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3 1833 03582 2334 

Go 941.5 R81 7 j 1919 

Journal of the Royal Society 
of Antiquaries of Ireland 













Allen County Public UbftfSf 
900 Webster Street 

PO Box 2270 

Fort Wayne, IN 46801-2270 

The Council wish it to be distinctly understood that they do 
not hold themselves responsible for the statements and opinions 
contained in the Papers read at the Meetings of the Society, and 
here printed, except so far as No. 2G of the General Eules of the 
Society extends. 


In the present number of the Journal, under the head 
of archaeology, the President leads off with a valuable 
paper on the Ancient Places of Assembly in the 
Counties of Limerick and Clare, in which he deals 
with the pre-Celtic Oenagh, its laws, customs and meet- 
ing places, and has collected much information on the 
subject. We have several papers on Irish antiquarian 
remains. As an appendix to the account of the 
Summer Meeting in Galway, the President has fur- 
nished us with some notes on several forts in Dun- 
kellin and other parts of Southern County Galway. 
The Eev. Professor Power contributes a paper on the 
Churches of Coole, Co. Cork, while Lady Dorothy 
Lowry-Corry has brought together a considerable 
amount of data on the Ancient Church Sites and 
Graveyards in the County of Fermanagh, which should 
be very useful to the ecclesiastical historian of that 
county. Mr H. Knox has a short paper on St Mar- 
can's Loch and Ruins, Co. Mayo. 

The subject of Ecclesiastical Art is always attrac- 
tive, and Mr E. C. R. Armstrong has done the Society 
a service in giving a description of the Bell-Shrine of 
St Seanan, which was recently purchased by Mr Panter 
and presented to the Royal Irish Academy. Mr Craw- 
ford continues his welcome contributions, and those 
on the Mural Paintings at Knockmoy Abbey, Co. Sligo, 
a late Slab and Cross at Taghmaconnell, Co. Ros- 
common, and Notes on the " Doubtful " Portrait and 
Cross-Bearings in the Book of Kells, with their illus- 
trations, will be found very interesting, while Mr 




McNeill gives us an account of some old Chalices of 
the 17th and 18th centuries in the West Convent, 
Gal way. 

Mr N. J. Synnott contributes a genealogical study 
of the family of De Lacy in Ireland, which shows a 
considerable acquaintance with the best authorities, 
and controverts many of the statements on the subject 
which have been made by Ware, O'Donovan and others. 
He also deals with the question of the connection of 
the Limerick De Lacys with those of Meath. 

We welcome a further addition to our knowledge of 
the Dublin Guilds in Mr Stubbs' paper on the Weavers' 
Guild, which is based on original records. The history 
of these Guilds throws many sidelights on the social 
condition of the city in the eighteenth century. 

Finally, the subject of Donnybrook Fair has been 
treated by Mr E. J. Kelly, and he has dealt not only 
with its social aspect, but also with its history, and 
has given much attention to the elucidation of the 
origin of the name. In connection with this district, 
Mr H. Bantry White has given an account of an Old 
House at Donnybrook, with some maps, which are 
useful for a topographical knowledge of Donnybrook 
in the past. 

The Society has to thank Mr T. J. Westropp for 
his kindness in furnishing an index to this volume of 
the Journal, a labour for which it has often been 
indebted to him. 

Members will be glad to learn that a Society has 
been formed under the auspices of the Eoyal Irish 
Academy, for making excavations in Ireland. The 
amount of work which it will be able to accomplish 
will depend on the support forthcoming for this laud- 
able object. 




The Ancient Places of Assembly in 
the Counties Limerick and Clare, by 
T. J. Westropp, m.a., President 1-24 

The Mural Paintings and Inscriptions 
at Knockmoy Abbey, by Henry S. 
Crawford, m.r.i.a 25-34 

Ancient Grave Sites and Graveyards 
in Co. Fermanagh, by Lady 
Dorothy Lowry-Corry .... 35-40 

The Churches of Coole, County Cork, 

by Rev. Professor Power . . . 47-54 j 

St Wolstan's Priory, Celbridge, by 

Col. R. Claude Cane .... 55-50 

Peavers' Guild, by W. C. Stubbs, 60-88 | 

St Marcan's Loch and Ruins, by 

Hubert T. Knox 80-01 

pokes on the Family of De Lacy in 

Ireland, by Nicholas J. Synnott .113-131 j 

The Bell-Shrine of St Seanan {Clogdn 

Oir), by E. C. R. Armstrong, f.s.a. 132-135 ! 


Donnybrook — Origin of Name—Its 
Famous Fair, by R. J. Kelly, K.c. 136-148 I 

An Old House at Donnybrook, by 
H. B. White, i.s.o 140-152 

Notes on the " Doubtful " Portrait 
and the Cross-Bearing Pages in the 
Book of Kells, by H. S. Crawford, 
m.r.i.a 153-154 

A late Slab and Cross at Taghma- 
connell, Co. Roscommon, by H. S. 
Crawford, m.r.i.a. . . . . . 155 

Notes on Several Forts in Dunkellin 
and other parts of Southern Co. 
Galway, by T. J. Westropp, m.a., 
President 167-186 


The Chalices of the West Convent, 
Galway, by Chas. McNeill, Hon. 
Gen. Sec 187-188 


Holy Well and " Pillar," Newgrove, 
and Carved Stones at Tulla 
Church, Co. Clare, by T. J. 
Westropp, M.A., President . . . 02-03 

Merchant Tailors' Gild, by H. F. Twiss, 
litt.d 03-04 

County Roscommon, by R. J: Kelly, 

K.c 04 

Ancient Places of Assembly, Co. 
Limerick, by T. J. Westropp, m.a., 

President 156-157 

St. Wolstan's Priory, by Col. R. 
Claude Cane 157 


Materials for the History of the 
Franciscan Province of Ireland, by 
Rev. Father E. B. Fitzmaurice and 
A. G. Little 158 

A Bibliography of Irish Presbyterian 

Magazines, by A. A. Campbell . . 158 

Ancient Church Sites and Graveyards 
in Co. Fermanagh. Corrigenda 
et Addenda. By Lady Dorothy 

Lowry-Corry 158 

Proceedings . . . 05-111, 150-162 
Report of Council .... 06-100 
Publications received in 1018 . . 107-100 
Report of the Summer Meeting, 1010, 162-188 

Accounts 112 

Conversazione, 1010 ..... 05 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2014 





Places of Assembly, Co 
Limerick, Frontispiece 

The Chancel of Knockmoy 

Abbey 20 

The O'Ceallaigh Monument . 30 
Ruins of the Priory of St 

Wolstan, Co. Kildare . . 55 

The "Newbridge" at St 

Wolstan's 50 

St Wolstan's, Kildare . . 50 
Fragment of Wall of Saint 

Marcan's Church ... 90 
Altar Stone at Children's 
Burial Ground, close to St 
Marcan's Church ... 00 
Boundary Stone, Newgrove, 

Co. Clare 92 

Holy Well, Newgrove, Co. 

Clare 92 

VLLI-X. The Bell-Shrine of St Seanan 

(Full size) . . . 133, 135 
XL An Old House at Donnybrook. 
Maps attached to Deeds 
of 1720 and 1749 . . 149 
XII. An Old House at Donnybrook. 

Map on lease 1701 . . 150 





PLATE Fadnij 


XIII. SS Mark and Luke from the 

St Gall Gospels ... 153 

XIV. Cross-bearing pages of MSS. 

compared with early 
Sepulchral Slabs . . . 154 
XV. A Cross from the Book of 
Durrow compared with one 
from a Slab at Iniscealtra 154 
XVI. Carved Slab at St. Ronan's 

Well, Taghmaconnell . . 155 
XVII. Monument in Chancel, Kil- 

connell . . . . . . 103 

Monument in Nave, Kilconnell 103 
XVIII. Duiske Castle, Merlin Park . 104 
Interior of Friary Church, 

Kilconnell 1G4 

Clare Galway Castle ... 104 
XIX. Cahercrine, Co. Galway . 105 
Caherdrineen, Co. Galway . 105 
Cahermorris, Co. Galway . 105 
XX. Kilbennan Round Tower and 

Church 100 

Franciscan Friary, Clare 

Galway 100 

XXL Forts in DunkelJin, &c, Co. 

Galway 108 



Knockmoy Abbey — 

Painted Inscriptions 28-29 

Inscription Carved on the O'Ceallaigh 

Monument 29 

Fourteenth Century Sepulchral Slab 

in the Chancel 31 

Latin Inscription on the Slab . . 31 
Graffiti on the South Wall of the 

Chancel 32 

Heads of Spectre and King, traced 

from the Wall Painting ... 33 
Head of the Creator from the 

Representation of the Trinity . 34 

The Churches of Coole, Co. Cork — ■ 

East Window (interior), Smaller 

East Window (exterior), Smaller 

Ground Plan, Larger Church . . 

Chancel Arch, „ . 

Squint Window, ,, „ . 
St Marcan's Loch and Ruins, Co. 


Holy Well, Newgrove .... 
Fragments of older Churches, Tulla 
Inscription on Standing Stone, 

Sheep Hill, Co. Roscommon . . 







f or THE 



Series VI, Vol. IX 

Vol. XLIX 

30 June 19 19 



Thomas Johnson Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a., President — The Ancient 

Places of Assembly in the Counties of Limerick and Clare (Illus.) 1 

Henry S. Crawford, m.r.i.a., Member— -The Mural Paintings and 

Inscriptions at Knockmoy Abbey — {Illustrated) . . . . 25 

Lady Dorothy Lowry-Corry, Associate Member — Ancient Church 

Sites and Graveyards in Co. Fermanagh . . . . 35 

Rev. Professor Power, Member — The Churches of Coole, Co. Cork — 

{Illustrated) 47 

Colonel R. Claude Cane, j.p., Fellow — St. Wolstan's Priory, 

Celbridge — {Illustrated) 55 

William Cotter Stubbs, m.a., m.r.i.a,, Vice-President — Weavers' 

K Guild . . . ....... 60 

Hubert T. Knox, m.r.i.a., Vice-President — St. Marcan's Loch and 

Ruins {Illustrated) ....... . 89 

Miscellanea 9 2 

Proceedings • 95 




All Rights Reserved] [Price 6s. net. 


or THE 



(Formerly the Kilkenny Archaeological Association, 

and the Royal Historical 

and Archaeological Association of Ireland) 

List of the Volumes, showing the relation 

between the Consecutive 

Numbers and the Numbers of each of the Six Series ; also the Years for 

7 • 7 7 r r l 

Which each Volume 

was issued. 

Consecutive Numeeb 

Number of Series 



I. .... 

184D, 1850, 1851. 


II. .... 

1852, 1853. 


Ill . . . . 

1854, 1855. 


I. 2nd, Series, 

1856, 1857. 


II. „ 

1858, 1859. 


III. „ 

1860, 1861. 


IV. „ . . . 

1862, 1863. 


v. . . 

1864, 1865, 1866. 


VI. „ 



I. 3rd Series, 

1868, 1869. 


I. 4th Series, 

1870, 1873. 


II. „ . . 

1872, 1873. 


III. ., ... 

1874, 1875. 


IV. „ 

1876, 1877, 1878. 



1879, 1880, 1881. 1882. 


VI. „ 

1883, 1884. 


VII. „ 

1885, 1886. 



1887, 1888. 


IX. „ . . 



Index, . . . . ' 



I. 5th Series, 






III. „ 



IV. . . 



V. „ 



VI. „ 



VII. . 









X. ., 



XI. „ ... 



XII. „ . 



XIII. „ . 



XIV. „ .* . . 



XV. „ . . . 



XVI. „ . . 



XVII. „. . . t . 






XIX. „ . .". . 



XX. „ 



I. 6th Series, 



II. „ r . 



III. „ 



IV. „ . 






VI. ..... 



VII. „ . 





The Volumes marked (*) are now out of print. Some of the remaining Volumes can be supplied 
to Members at the average rate of 10s. each. Odd Parts of some of the foregoing volumes can 
be supplied. The Quarterly Parts of the Fifth Series can be supplied to Members at 3s. each. 

In order to assist Fellows and Members to obtain back numbers of the Journal, the Council have 
decided to offer the fifteen volumes from 1870-1884 at the greatly reduced price of £1 for the set. 

^HE Publication Committee regrets the 
delay in issuing this number of the Journal, 
caused by the dispute in the Printing Trade. 

Plate I.] 



100 FEET 


'Rising J kid 
hujlur than 


Harsh Wet 



&a \\\rOSSWLy 

W \\\ Coir it 

Tossibh ILainid's 

Three. Rings 

possibly cifc 
Zoga,bal t Aine. 
and Fertt 

'Mllllach an trtr 





CUSH , Cooloughtragh. 

1 FossihiM graves of- 

EtfvuL , B nojur, A Tiugain 

9 'p o feet „ 

I I ' 1918 









By Thomas Johnson Westkopp, m.a., President. 

[Kead 25 February 1919] 

The aspect in which Irish archaeology may be regarded as of widest 
importance to the antiquaries of the outer world is its light on primi- 
tive civilization undiluted (or barely touched) by the all-conquering 
culture of Greece and Borne. Unfortunately this is just the very 
branch of our research which attracts least interest and sympathy 
within our shores. For the one interested in such a matter, scores 
(if not hundreds) are interested in merely local history, genealogy 
and architecture, all valuable, and often important, to Irishmen, 
but almost useless to the leading antiquaries of other countries. 

Nothing, perhaps, is more primitive, if only for its long develop- 
ment ere the Celtic colonists, or even their predecessors, came to 
•our shores, than the Oenach, its laws, customs, and meeting places. 
Taken over with hardly any interference by the tactful and loving 
Church that so soon wound itself round the affection and imagina- 
tion of the Irish in the fifth and succeeding centuries, it remained 
truly archaic. Of course in many cases (as with the Norse) 
Christian baptism did not wash out all paganism. As the Celt 
probably joined the worship of local gods like Oengus an Broga 
and Bodbh Dearg to Lug, Beil and Nuada, so at first he probably, 
in many cases, only added Christ to his pantheon, but the new- 
comer soon hurled his rivals on to the threshold. The Ancient 



Laws, after their Christian editing, left as much standing of the 
old social fabric as was possible, more than was tolerated elsewhere. 
Here there was no legislation against the old sanctuaries, pillar 
stones, wells and trees; Christianity took them over with a new 
meaning. It mattered not that Lug the sun god had established 
the Assembly of Tailltiu, the priests of the neighbouring church 
brought their relics to be shown to the multitude in the intervals 
of the solar games, and though the desire of burial at the holiest 
churches brought the remains of many a chief to their cemeteries, 
other chiefs, down even to the fourteenth century, sought burial in 
some venerated fort or mound. The laws zealously guarded the 
inviolable peace of an Oenach from disturbance, prevented en- 
croachments on the " green " (Faitche), where sports were held, 
provided for its clearing before sports, for its enclosure, 
and for the stands and platforms for the spectators, and (like 
the Mosaic law) guarded a " stone of worship " and other 
ancient landmarks. 1 Each tribal district could establish an 
Oenach. The old gods ceased to be worshipped, but not to be 
talked about and feared, but the Oenach, though deprived of much 
of its religious aspect, went on, with the same regulations, sports, 
and songs, till the strain of the constant wars and the collapse that 
opened the doors of Ireland to the Norman slowly withered, one 
after the other, the centres of assembly, like Tlachtga, Tailltiu, 
Uisnech and Tara. Even then all was not lost. Chiefs were in- 
augurated at the Oenach of Magh Adair down to the reign of 
Edward II, and very probably to that of Elizabeth. Assemblies 
called Oireachta gathered there yearly to the time of the great 
Famine in 1844. 2 The irregular marriages, commemorating the 
marriage of the sun god Lug with Erin, continued at Tailltiu till 
about 1770, the sports and fair there till 1806. The races of Caher- 
mee still take place near a conjoined earthwork and a mound, such 
as elsewhere mark undoubted places of early assembly. Fairs at 
Temair Erann, in Ballinvreena, and at Ainey continued till our 
time. The Oenach Cairbre at the Abbey of St. Mary " De Magio " 
is remembered still in the name Monasteranenagh. 

It may be well to recall that the English word " Fair " only 

Ancient Laws of Ireland, I, pp. 129, 175, 283; IV, p. 220; V, pp. 221, 
475, 484; Stone of Worship, IV, p. 143; Holy Wood " Fidnemid/' I, p. 
105; Playing " hurling " on fort green. Anct. Laws. Book of Acaill, III, 
p. 253. Against removing stones, p. 296. Against cutting chief trees, IV, 
p. 147. Landmarks, p. 143. Bile, p. 143. Earthworks, p. 145. Cleaning 
Oenach from weeds, p. 145. Disturbing a monument, as at Tailltiu, V, 
p. 477. Battle not to be fought at an Oenach, p. 303 Erecting platforms 
for the sports, p. 475. Driving a distress off the faitche of an Oenach, 
p. 477. 

2 Ordnance Survey Letters, Clare, 1839 (15 B. 24 B. I. Acad.), p. 148, 
" Iraghts till a few years ago." Old people in 1890 said " till tile- 


partially translates Oenach. The Oenach once had pagan rites, 
holy fires, sacrifices, sometimes of men; it was a parliament and a 
conference, new laws were discussed and promulgated; there were 
games, athletics, horse races, musical competitions, mercantile 
transactions, sometimes spread over a couple of weeks. The 
church sometimes exhibited sacred relics or held synods at the 
venerated spots. The places of such gatherings were always of 
tribal, frequently of national, importance. 

When we collect the rich mass of facts from our law codes, 
poems, sagas and annals all of this stands out very clearly, but in 
the present essay I propose rather to confine myself to the Oenach 
sites within the realm of the Dal Cais, and especially to the 
legendary history as bearing on the remains, but must first note 
the greater Assemblies. 

Eemains at an Oenach Site. 
Taea. — First, to argue from the greater and better known places, 
what should we expect to find at an early place of assembly ? Chief 
of all is Temair Breg or Tara. Its long ridge is crowded with re- 
mains — tumuli, sepulchral and ceremonial,! conjoined rings, ring 
forts, tracks of early roads and abundant water supply, a few 
pillars and cairn sites, the material long removed for roads and 
buildings. The conjoined rings embody several older mounds, one 
probably the Dumha na bo. 2 Sacred animals loom large in early 
myths and later legends, 3 and were commemorated on the 
ground. "We find on the Brugh the Prison of Liath Macha, 
a venerated horse, Cu Chulaind's famous steed, that (like 
St. Columba's horse and the Homeric chargers) foresaw and 
wept for the impending death of its beloved master. Elsewhere (as 
at Tara and Clogher) a bull was named, perhaps, like the Donno- 
taurus Bull in Gaul, and his equivalent, the Donn Bull in Louth, 
a divinity, or a reincarnation of some ancient hero, Or we find a 
monster (like the many-legged, armour-plated Mat a, at Tara and 
the Brugh) which scooped the Boyne Valley. 4 

1 As I completed these pages the exhaustive monograph of Professor 
K. A. S. Macalister on " Temair Breg " was published. Proc. B. I. 
Acad., XXXIV, pp. 231-399. I am in entire accord with his topographical 
identifications, as I long since found the difficulty of the clear statement 
that Path Laoghaire lay north from Nemnach, not to the S.-W., as 
Petrie's identification implied. Petrie was too ready to amend the text 
to agree with his theories at this and at the Forrad. 

2 One in the rings of Tech Chormaic (the west fort), another has just 
escaped destruction in the senseless digging in the Rath of the Synods, 
the third is conjoined with Petrie's " Rath Caelchon," and is probably 
Fothad Raith Ghrainne, and the last is attached to the Great Hall near 
its S.-E. corner. 

3 " Temair Breg," pp. 377-380. 

4 Professor Macalister suggests that this arose from stones covered 
with the convolutions of the double spirals, which to the popular mind 
suggested " the writhen coils " of a monster (" Temair Breg/' p. 243). 


Then we note the Forrad, the residence of the monotheist High 
King Cormac mac Airt, at the first dusk before the dawn of historic 
legend. There can be no question but that Petrie has reversed the 
names of these mounds, and that (as the Dind Senchas expressly 
attests) the eastern fort was the Forrad. Its rings are regular, while 
those of the Teach Chormaic join on to it and embody an older 
tumulus. Other older tumuli are embodied in the earthworks at 
the S. E. corner of the great hall, at the " King's Chair," and in 
the real Bath Grainne the so-called Bath Caelchon. The Forrad was 
possibly an older residence before the time of Cormac, as there were 
probably precedent Kings of Tara though not yet High Kings. We 
have also his later house, his Great Hall. The Duma na ngiall 
(mound of the hostages) is extant where the white, round-ended 
slab, or pillar, of the Fdl lay till it was set as a pillar on a neighbour- 
ing mound. 1 The palace of the later king, Loeguire, the contem- 
porary of St Patrick, remains, though half levelled. The " King's 
Chair," where the Synods sat in later days; raths of the great 
mythic king, Conchobar mac Nessa, and of Colman; two tumuli 
and pillar stones, one carved with a rude image, perhaps the only 
carved figure from the pagan past of Ireland, 2 and the great Claen- 
ferta forts on the hill slope. Perhaps most instructive of all were 
the mounds, evidently connected with the veneration of the gods — 
the three little mounds in an oval ring, the Treduma Nesi, of the 
earth goddess, the mother of Conchobar ; the disc-barrow with its 
central boss-like mound, aptly called the " shield " of the divine 
Cu Chulaind, and the cairns, between which visitors made the cere- 
monial, luck-bringing, 3 "sunward turn," the Deisiol, though the 
Bruden Da Derga says "thou shaft not go deisiol round Tara." 4 
Lastly, the famous wells break out on each slope, the denied 
Nemnach to the south and Adlaic to the north ; the cool and sweet 
Caprach to the east; Laeg and Laoc on the western slopes. From 

1 This is mentioned in Pococke's Tour, 1752. Local tradition says it 
was set on its present site in 1798. 

2 It resembles the so-called Sheelanagigs (if these were " the image of 
the Mother goddess Ana" they commemorate a goddess of prosperity), 
and has many points of identity (horns, breast ornament and crossed 
bent legs) with the Gaulish Cernunnus, god of wealth, as Professor 
Macalister pointed out (Temair Breg, p. 255). 

3 Conchobar and Dectire were " earth gods " (Leabar na h Uidre, p. 
1016, Boole of Leinster, p. 1236). Cu Chullaind was son and reincarnation 
of the sun god Lug (Tain bo Cualnge ed Dunn, p. 90, sqq.), and had a 
holy mound Sid Setanta, in Co. Louth (Yelloiv Book of ISlane, copied in 
" sick bed of C," Atlantis, I, p. 390). 

4 Pliny says that the Gauls, unlike the Eomans, turned towards the left 
in their religious ceremonies. Posidonius contradicts this (Athenaeus, 
IV, p. 52. Pliny, Hist. Nat., XXVIII, cap. 2. Petrie " Tara Hill," p. 
223). The Bruden Da Derga passage is curious, (ed. W. Stokes, Rev. 
Celt., XXII, p. 27.) 


Eath Grainne,! south westward, the hollow track of Slige mor is 

Tailltiu. — The remains at Tailltiu, in Oristown and Telltown, 
have suffered more from cultivators, but they include part of the 
great ring mound of the god Lug and are full of interest and sugges- 
tion. Besides the great ring they show a terracing, probably mark- 
ing the Oenach site, from Luganeany, the hollow of the Assembly, 
northward. Luganeany is the traditional site where the " Tell- 
town marriages," for a year and a day, were celebrated. There are 
four artificial ponds, an ancient road from Luganeany to the site 
of a cairn, 2 and a large earthwork, the Eath dubh. Near Donagh- 
patrick is an interesting example of the high mound and crescent 
annexe conjoined, the whole girt by two fosses and oval rings, and 
in the adjoining churchyard a stone pillar and other rude stones 
with part of a ring fort remain. 

The identification of Tailltiu with Loughcrew cemetery is a hasty 
dictum of Fergusson in " Eude Stone Monuments," followed up 
with no semblance of authority or reasoning by Eugene Conwell, 3 
who even identifies the " tomb " and " chair " of OUamh Fodla 
among the remains. 

Eathceoaghan. — The great Connacht Oenach of Cruachu is 
better preserved, the chief centre of Connacht royalty. The re- 
mains are a great mound, Cruachan Ai, 12 feet to 18 feet high, with 
a slight ditch and a central boss, 7 feet higher — i.e., some 23 feet in 
all. It is probably the Sld 7 or god's mound, but possibly was also 
residential. The Tain bo Fraich, however, seems to distinguish 
between the Sid of Cruachan and the Eig-tech or palace, though 
the Sid lay within the raths. We have mention of the Dun, Eath 

1 Petrie's " Rath Caelchon," a misreading for Arad Caelchon. Cormac's 
Glossary (ed. Stokes, p. 1), gives Arad as a ladder, high table, suggest- 
ing a long dolmen with stepped covers, or going against a hill. 

2 1 have collected some curious corroborative evidence — the " mar- 
riages " (whether in their later days nominal or actual), were probably 
at first connected with the marriage rites of Lug the sun, god and (the 
soil of) Ireland on August 1st; the King of Ulster got the marriage dues. 
Cormac's Glossary (p. 99) attests the marriage at Tailltiu at the " Tulach 
na Coibche." The Coir Anmann (Irische Texte, III, p. 258) mentions 
also a " marriage of Nuada and Fal the Leabaf Gabhala shows that 
the fert of Tailltiu lay to the N.-W. of the Oenach, the very position in 
which the great earthwork in Oristown lies from the Luganeany. Evi- 
dently Telltown and Oristown were one and divided; all the evidence 
showing that the Telltown fairs from 1678 down to 1806 were held in 
Oristown. The emphatic claim of purity, separation of women and pre- 
vention of elopement at Carman implies that the reverse was true of 
other assemblies. At Uisnech " marriages were broken off and new 
ties formed," and even the expurgated Ancient Laws abound in allu- 
sions to unions, both marriage and concubinage, for a year and a day. 
(See II, pp. 78, 84, 271, 383, 391. Book of Aicill, III, p. 24). [Since this 
was written M. J. Loth's notable paper on Lug in Bev. Archeol. XXIV 
(2), pp. 205-230, held back by the war, has reached our Libraries.] 

3 Proc. B. I. Acad., Vol. I, second ser. 


and Cathair, there Fraich and his party wait in the first Rath 1 till 
Ailill orders them to be brought into the liss. The general remains 
include Rathfaradagh and two other ring forts, Cashelmanannain 
(possibly Sid of the sea god if its name be ancient), 2 Rathnallog and 
two forts, Carnaduff cairn and three forts, Toberrory well, Oogha- 
niska, Rathmore, Rathbeg, Ratfmadarv, Milleen Meva (a stone 
block), Misgaun Meva (a large fallen pillar, 9 feet to 11 feet long), 
Rathcroaghan itself, and a small fort near it, Rathscrig, Carran 
Fort, Tobererohoor (Conor's well), Toberlaght well, aline of ancient 
road, forming mearing of Glenballythomas and Toberory, Owney- 
nagat " cave " (or souterrain), Relignaree (burial ring with "cave" 
and ogmic inscription), Knockaunnagorp and Cahernabavalody. 
This gives some idea of the extent of this great tribal centre, but it 
is hard to delimit it as other remains extend in all directions round 
it. It is probable that the ancient " Relic na riog " includes many 
other remains beside the burial ring of the name. The excellent 
survey, plans and map in our pages in 1914 render more detailed 
notice unnecessary. I will only note that the wide summit of the 
great mound seems to mark it as residential, whatever be the age 
of the enclosures on the top. Mr Knox thinks " Milleen Meva " 
was where the newly inaugurated chief was proclaimed, as at 
the Lia Fail on Tara and the pillar of Magh Adair. Oghaniska is a 
straight-sided, wedge-like enclosure with a souterrain. The early 
avenues meet near a group of curious earthworks and the forts of 
Corraun, Courtmaol and Rathscrig. The most remarkable struc- 
ture is Cashelmanannain, a pear-shaped enclosure, with three 
equidistant ramparts, the apex of the outer one bending into the 
middle loop at the N. Large rectangular courts lie attached, and 
from the N.E. angle, long lines of mounds, called " The Muck- 
laghs," curve outward. An estate map shows Cashelmanannain as 
consisting of conjoined rings, but it is not so noted on the old or 
new Ordnance Maps or in the above detailed survey. 

Curragh, Co. Kildare. — It is surprising that a group of earth- 
works of such evident importance and near the sacred oak wood 
and perpetual fire at Kildare should be unidentified with any early 
assembly. 3 W. M. Hennessy regards it as Oenach Colmain Elo, Mr 
Orpen identifies it with Oenach Carmun, and only for the allusions 
to creeks, ebb and flow and banks I could fully accept his views 4 

1 Irish MSS. Series, B. I. Acad., I, p. 167. 
1 Journal U.S.A. I., XLI, p. 93, XLIV, p. 1. 

3 Probably Cuirreach Life (see Bruden Da Derga, Proc. B. I. A., IX, 
p. 343), to which sports Conaire goes with four chariots 

4 The site of Carmun is unfortunately not yet established if cuan does 
not mean a creek or harbour. Rev. Edmund Hogan suggests that it lay 
not far from the mote of Dinnrigh and Carlow, where the rivers Barrow 


(Ord. Survey Maps XXII and XXIII). Beginning north of the rail- 
way and Melitta Lodge, we see a large double-ringed earthwork 
with three lesser ones near it, one south of the line and east of the 
lodge and two near the Fox Covert, one of which is called Eaheen- 
anairy. A tumulus lies to the S.E. of these near the railway, and 
a mound or fort south of the line. South from the last is Walshe's 
Eath and Flat Eath, and the track of an early road called " the 
Eace of the Black Pig," a mythic animal prominent in folk-lore 
and tradition in many parts of Ireland. South of the Eace is a large 
ring called Gibbet Eath, and tw T o more near the Barracks and Eace 
Course. Some distance to the eastward, beside the line, is Morris- 
town Biller mote, a tumulus conjoined to a long annexe, well seen 
from the train. There is also a small rath near the Sanger's Lodge. 

Brugh. — Brugh of the Boyne^Co. Meath. — So great in age, ex- 
tent and elaboration is the greatest of Irish cemeteries, lying so 
evidently behind the colonization of the Celtic races, that I need 
only say briefly that it resembles the objects of this paper in having 
a large ring fort, many standing stones, a tumulus within a ring 
mound, several small tumuli and three huge mounds of Knowth, 
Newgrange and Dowth, with a ring fort near , the first. It was a 
most important sanctuary and cemetery. Oengus an Broga, 2 
probably a pre-Celtic god (as no trace of his worship seems to have 
been found in Gaul or Britain) had the Brugh for his chief abode. 
Its name lingers faintly in the neighbouring Broe House and farm 
traceable back to 1541 as Brow's Weir and Brow's Mill or Brown's 
Mill, in 1619. 3 Irish legend recognised the place as a " chief ceme- 
tery of the idolaters," " before the Faith," along with Cruachu, 
Tailltiu, Luachair Ailbe, Oenach Ailbe, Oenach Cull, Oenach Col- 
main and Temair Erann. 4 They connect it with the gods, The Dagda 
and his three sons, Lugaid, Oe, Ollam, Ogma, Etan (the poetess), 
and her son Corpre. The " marriage " of King Crimthann Nia Nair 

and Burren meet. " Carmun of the winding harbours," the " hallowed 
water of Carmun," " sweet-sounding cuan with its banks/' and " the 
ebb and flow " seem decisive against the identification with the Curragh 
or Ailinn. (Onomasticon Goedelicum, pp. 157-8, 685; B.8.A.I., XXXVI, 
pp. 11-41; Metrical Dindsenchas Todd Lect. Ser. ed Gwynn, X, pp. 11, 13, 
23). The march of Fedlimid, King of Cashel, past Carmun to meet Niall, 
King of Tara, is decisive against the popular identification with Wex- 
ford, Loch Garman, only resting on a similarity of sound. 

1 The unfounded identification of Brugh na Boinne with " Broad 
Boyne " (or Stackallen) has no adherent of any standing, but is not 
extinct. The survival of the name (traceable to 1541 in various records) 
at Bro House near Newgrange and the proof that Knowth (Cnogba) was 
at Brugh in the Dind Senchas of Nas are strongly corroborative. 

2 The old Irish speakers regarded him as the chief " fairy " of Meath 
in 1836 (Ord. Survey Letters, Meath). 

3 Journal B.S.A.I., XXXVI, p. 82. They belonged to Mellifont Abbey. 
* Leabar na h Uidre, f . 50. 


with Nar of the Tuatha De gave him right of burial there. There were 
" fifty " mounds in each of the cemeteries of Tailltiu, Brugh and 
Cruachu. The Dind Senchas 1 gives an interesting list of the monu- 
ments — the Bed of the Daughter of Forann, the monument of the 
Dagda, the mound of the Morrigu, that of the Mata 2 (monster), the 
Bare of Crimthann Nia Nair, the grave of Fedelmid, the stone cairn 
of Conn Ced Catha, the Cumot of Cairbre Liffechair, and the 
Fulacht of Fiacha. We see two of the semi-historic kings, Conn 
and Cairbre, on this list. Another list adds " the two breasts of the 
Morrigu (like, the Sid mounds on the mountain of that name in 
Kerry, and perhaps the conjoined tumuli of Oenach Culi, County 
Limerick), the grave of Boinn, the river goddess (Cuil was another 
wife of Boand's husband Nechtan), monuments Cirr and Cuirrell, 
of wives of the Dagda, these were two hillocks, the cave of Buailc 
Becc, the pillar of Buidi, where his head was interred, the cave of 
Buailc Crunnmael, "the Prison of Liath Macha, " Cu Chulaind's 
famous horse, 3 and other monuments. 

In the Annals the three great tumuli appear as plundered by 
the Norse in A.D. 861, the cave of Achad Aldai, that of Cnogbai 
(Knowth) that of the Grave of Bodan, the Shepherd of Elcmar, over 
the Dubath (Dowth), and the cave of the wife of Gobann at 
Drogheda, very likely the mound utilised by the Normans as the 
mote of Castle Blathach, now crowned by a martello tower. 

Uisnech. — A most important Oenach of the obscure god Beli 
(so important in Britain and Gaul, as the names Cunobelinus 
(Cymbeline) and Lugobelinus (Llewellyn) attest, the father of Mile, 
the eponymus of the Gaedhil) calls for brief notice here to complete 
the notes on the Oenach sites. 4 The remains are slight and con- 
joined rings with mounds, enclosures, and a souterrain in their 
garths, traces of an old road and the remarkable rock, the " Cat 
Stone," the centre of Ireland and meeting place of its provinces. 
There is also an enclosure of stones set on edge called " St Patrick's 

Tlachtga. — Of Tlachtga, another most important Oenach, dedi- 
cated to the worship of all the gods, only a fort girt by four rings 

1 Dind Senchas, Trans. B. I. Acad., XXX, pp. 79-80, collected by Flann 
from two specified ancient books, ante A.D. 976. 

2 The Mata hollowed out the Boyne Valley. Metr. Dind., VII, p. 21. 

3 I emphasise this because of the " horse pillars " at Knockainey 
named in " Mesca Ulad." 

4 Samuel Ferguson, Proc. B. I. Acad., I, ser. II, p. 140. The Agal- 
lamh mentions a pillar on top of TJisnech (S. G. II, p. 170). 

5 So the cist on Knockpatrick near Foynes, Co. Limerick, is " St 
Patrick's seat/' and in the Agallamh the saint sits on the three tulachs 
of the Tuatha De on Cenn Febrat. 


remains on the summit of the Hill of Ward near Athboy in Meath. 1 
Tara, Uisnech,* Tailltiu, and Tlachtga were famous for the cultus of 
sacred fires. 

Emania. — There was another important assembly, Oenach 
Macha, at the great palace of Emain Macha, or Emania, evidently 
from its name and the famous head-house for war trophies 2 at Craeb 
Buad, a sanctuary of the war goddess Macha. The great ring of 
the fort, including a lesser ring, and once a flat-topped mound, 
probably the Sid of Emain, with the townland name Creeveroe and 
the name Navan (An Emhain, Hewynna, 1374, Eawayn, 1524, 
Eawyn, 1609, The Navan, 1633), remain. In A.D. 898 it is called 
" Emhain of the Fairs." 3 

Temair Erann. — Lastly, as in a recent paper, we find in the 
cemetery of the Ernai at Temair Erann, County Limerick, four 
tumuli, one fairly large, conjoined earthworks, ring forts, platform 
forts, pillars, an old road leading (as at Uisnech) down the hill, and 
springs and streams. A fair was also held below the remains near 
Cush and Ballinvreena " motes " till very recent years, four times 
yearly. 4 

We are now in a position to see from these famous sites what we 
should expect to find at an ancient Irish Oenach. It was usually a 
sanctuary, a cemetery, and a royal residence, or was near a King- 
Fort. It usually has tumuli (large or small), ring forts, pillar 
stones, cairns and old roads, with wells or abundant water 
supply, and frequently conjoined works. It had a god 
(a patron or patroness) and allied gods, where any tradition 
subsisted; so Tailltiu had an early queen, and her foster 
son, the great Lug Lamhfada, the Gaulish Mercury ; 5 Tara had a 
heroine, Tephi, and the " earth gods," Conchobar, Ness and Cu 
Chulaind, with possibly (as Professor Macalister suggests) the war 
gods Neit and Neman, if the spring Nemnach and its outflow, the 
stream Nith, bear their names. 6 Eman had its patron Macha; 
Uisnech had Beli, Tlachtga bore the name of the ill-reputed 
sorceress, for whom Church legend had a hatred not found against 

Donovan was out-talked by a gossipping old soldier into believing 
it a late earthwork. There is no trace whatsoever of horn works, cur- 
tains, &c, as he imagiDes (Ord. Surv. Letters, Meath, pp. 181-2). 

2 For head-trophies see " Tetes coupees chez les Celtes " (Rev. de Hist, 
des Religions LXVIII, pp. 41-48), and Miss Hull, Celtic Revieio, III, p. 
p 79n ' XXX IV, pp. 38 sqq. 276. Battle of Ventry (ed. Meyer), 

x> I^t (PiS^P) Reeves "Ancient Churches of Armagh"; Journal 
R.S.A.I., LXVI, p. 409; Revue Geltique, XVI. 

XLVIII p^m ACad '' XXXI11 ' p - 459 " 474 ; XXXIV, p. 179; Journal, 
5 I have no old evidence to show whether Eath Lugha (Eath Miles), 
+5 ? m , fir' 18 & fort of Lu ^ like Lugdunum. Lis Logha is a name 
tor the fort of Nas, and favours the local term in Meath. 

1 emaxr Breg, p. 236. 


other of the Celtic gods and heroines. 1 Brugh was connected with 
Elcmar, Oengus, Lug (at Dowth), Boadan, the Boyne, and the 
Dagda if the term (as is usual) implies Eochaid Ollathair. 
Manannan (if the fort name is early) was reverenced at Cruachan. 
Three (unnamed) gods of the Tuatha De, and semi-divine hill gods 
and tribal ancestors, at Temair Erann. Aine, her father Eogabal 
(son of Donn, son of the god Midir), at Knockainey, with her 
brother Feri and several relatives. Cuil, wife of the god Nechtan, 
son or an alias (Nuada Necht) of the god Nuada Silver Hand, at 
Oenaeh Culi. Boand, her husband, Nechtain, and Nuada at Sid 
Nechtan on Carbury Hill at the source of the Boyne. 

We must not expect too much from the remains. Tara shows 
that a swarm of cairns and several rings and mounds have vanished 
without leaving a trace. Professor Macalister's paper shows that 
he and I found traces of a,t least five monuments, unobserved by 
Petrie. In many cases even ploughing leaves the shallow ring of a 
fosse discernible or the circular " rise " of a levelled mound. 
Besides this there were (to judge from the Ancient Laws) less per- 
manent enclosures of which no trace could reach our time ; I do not 
refer so much to wooden, or wicker, buildings, but to enclosures by 
quickset hedges. We find that the Laws mention four sorts of 
fences 2 — trench, stone wall, strong fence, and felmad fence, the 
last being a " naked fence," made with a billhook, usually in a 
half -cleared place. We read (even in the Norman period) as at 
Athlone, that even towns were fortified with quickset hedges, and 
it is more than probable that the regular ring of hawthorns round 
the mound of so many forts are lineal descendants of the plashed 
bushes of such a hedge. Where there was no earthwork no such 
enclosure could be traced after a generation of neglect. But I sus- 
pect their presence is found in the rings of hawthorns occurring in 
level field spaces. 

County Limerick. 

In County Limerick, beside the great Ernean sanctuary and 
cemetery of Temair Erann on Slievereagh, recently described, I 
will now briefly note the others — Oenaeh Culi mna Nechtain, or 
Oenaeh Sen Clochair, at Clogherbeg, near Knocklong ; Si'd Eogabail, 
Dun Aine, or Knockainey, and Oenaeh Cairbre, or Oenaeh Beag, at 
Monasteranenagh. I have already described the inauguration place 
of Magh Adhair in County Clare, but must briefly note it, the 

1 Temair Breg, pp. 346-355. 

2 Anc. Laws, IV, p. 73, the whole section of fences, pp. 143-7, and 
trees is most suggestive and interesting [Professor Macalister's Temair 
Breg, p. 264, suggests that a hedge girded the great Banqueting Hall, 
leaving only its northern end door free of access.] 


Oenach sites and the Sid mounds, in Thomond, north of the 
Shannon, to complete this summary. 

Oenach Culi Mna Nechtain or Clochair. — The traveller who 
passes from Dublin to Cork, if he watches the beautiful changing 
views of the great Galtees and the Ballyhoura mountains in 
southern County Limerick, can also see two salient points of the 
legendary battlefield of the High King, Cormae Mac Airt, and 
Fiacha Muillethan, King of Thomond. The long ridge, with the 
rugged peel tower of the 'Hurleys, near Knocklong Station and 
the great beech-clad mound of Aghadoon, on a slope beside the 
Morning Star Eiver, the ancient S aimer, once an imposing river, 
now a small and shrunken stream. The ridge is the ' ' Druim Damh- 
gaire " (oxen ridge) and the mote the " Eaithin an Imaraigh," 
where the opposing druids fought, with all the ' ' high explosives of 
up-to-date magic. ' ' 1 

Driving from Knocklong, not by the direct road to the South 
East but by the road south of the ridge to the ' ' Cross of the Tree, " 
we pass, on the edge of a plateau, a little green tumulus, called 
Clogherbeg Mote. The name, with that of Clogher Hill, is all that 
survives of the alternative name of Oenach Culi, Oenach Clochair, 
the chief cemetery and assembly of the Dergthene, the tribe sprung 
from 'V Nia Segamain of the Siabra, " or god race, from the great 
gods Lug Long Hand and Nuada Silver Hand, afterwards forming 
the branch 2 (so famous in Irish history) of the Eoghanacht of Cashel 
and the Dal Cais, the tribes ruled by Brian Boroimhe. 

May I be so far personal as to take my own case as an illustration 
of the merits of field survey ? I was absolutely in ignorance when 
I recorded the remains at Slievereagh and Clogherbeg that I had 
at last found Temair Erann, and was about to identify, indepen- 
dently Oenach Culi. Mr P. J. Lynch had placed the latter cor- 
rectly at Clogherbeg, but only on literary grounds, for he gave no 
note on the remains, and I had not recalled his brief paragraph. I 
unfortunately held (with O 'Donovan, like Mr Orpen and Father 
Hogan) that Oenach Culi was at Monasteranenagh. The remains 
clearly marked a spot of the first importance; if so, what was this 
Clogher Hill and Clogherbeg ? The ridge of Knockainey lies away 
to the north, the blue Galtees and purple Slievereagh to the south, 
in full view of Clogher Hill. The Mesca TJlad tells how Cu Chu- 
laind, after he had gone up Knockainey to look round and identify 
the landmarks, led the Ulstermen southward, toward Cenn Febrat, 
coming to the Oenach Sen Clochair. 3 The Agallamh tells how St 

1 Cath Droma Damhgaire, Bev. Celt., XV, p. 441. Proc. B. I. Acad., 
XXXIV, pp. 174-7. 

2 Proc. B. I. Acad., XXXIV, p. 132. 

3 Mesca Ulad, p. 19. 


Patrick, coming from Cullen to Ardpatrick, " skirted the Oenach 
of Nechtan's wife Cuil, now called the heifer-carrying Oenach Sen 
Clochair, past Cenn Febrat of Sliabh Caoin."l These two lines as 
described cross each other at Clogherbeg. The charter of Prince 
John to Monasteranenagh Abbey, in about 1186, places Enaculi 
at Corbali, and the townland of Corbally adjoins the townlands in 
which the earthworks remain. Few ancient sites are better identi- 

Now the Senchas nd Relec tells 2 us in its account of " the chief 
cemeteries of Erin before the Faith ' ' that Temair Erann was where 
" the Clann Deda — i.e., the race of Conaire and the Ernai (buried), 
at Temair Erann; the men of Mumhan, i.e., the Dergthene, at 
Oenach Chuli and Oenach Colmain." Every outstanding name of 
note (hero or heroine, save Curoi, who was buried on Slieve Mish) 
appears in the list of graves on Cenn Febrat in MacCraith's poem 
(circa A.D. 990-1014). The question arises what princes of the 
Dergthene lay at Oenach Culi? Legends give the following as 
buried elsewhere — Mog Neid, in a sod grave on Magh Tualaing in 
Ely 'Carroll, King's County, 3 Eogan Mog Nuadat and his brother- 
in-law under two tumuli at Oenach Colmain Elo 4 (wherever it lay) 
perhaps near Tullamore, in the same county, near Magh Leana. 
Oilioll Aulom was buried on the summit of Claire5 (on Slievereagh, 
probably in the curved wall, above his fort of Dun Claire), his seven 
sons near Magh Mucrimhe and Cormac Cass, in Duntrileague.6 
Then we have no further account, so perhaps Oenach Culi was 
founded, or adopted, about A.D. 250 by Fiacha Muillethan. There, 
possibly, the Dal Cais princes, Mog Corb, Fer Corb, Aengus 
Tireach, Lugaid Meann, and Connell Eachluath, are laid, but there 
is not even a legend. It has been asserted on the cited authority 
of the Dind Senchas that Lugaid was buried under a cairn at 
Ludden, further north, but (when we verify the statement) he 
made the cairn there to keep a tally of his men before his invasion 
of the present County Clare. 7 His ordinary residence is there said 
to have been on Magh Femen. 

1 Agallamh, Silva Gadelica, II, p. 118. The mention of the races at 
Oenach Clochair (wrongly identified by O'Curry with Manister, Manu- 
script Materials, p. 305) occurs in a poem attributed to Oisin by the Book 
of Leinster. 

2 Petrie Bound Towers, pp. 100-101. 

3 Battle of Magh Leana, p. 21. 

4 O Flaherty, Ogygia, III, p. ix. See Journal XXXVI, p. 36. 

5 Agallamh (Silva Gadelica, II, pp. 129-130). 

6 Ibid., p. 129. 

7 Metr. Dind S. X, p. 201. For tally cairns see also Bruden Da Derga 
(Eriu, III, p. 36) and Social History of Ancient Ireland. (Joyce), I, p. 149. 
The first cited poem mentions the Munster Kings Aed Bennan (died 619) 
and Finnen (died 696) and the invasion of Mag Femen by foreigners. 


Turning down from the " Cross of the Tree," towards Bally- 
landers to Galbally, we cross a stream and find a number of curious 
earthworks to the west of the road in the townland of Eaheena- 
maddra, on to the border of Mitchellstown-Down. Raheenamaddra, 
is a platform fort, a low mote, such as abound in this district ; we 
have, at least fifteen, Eathbsne or Bulgadin, Ligadoon, Aghadoon, 
Atheneasy, four in Knocklong, three in Cush and Ballinvreena at 
the foot of Slievereagh, Glenbrochain or Ballingarry Down; Ea- 
hanna and Eaheenamaddra; " the dog's little fort." Their number 
precludes the idea that they are inauguration mounds, or feudal 
castles, and scattered across such an extent they clearly belong to 
no one cemetery, they, are most probably residential, and Glen- 
broghaun Mote, at the foot of Sliab Claire is more than probably the 
Eath of Broccan near Claire in the Tripartite Life. 

In the first field on the S. E. plateau we find a long hollow, 
running N. and S., probably the boundary of the Oenach,t the track 
of an old road runs E. and W. beside a low platform, hardly a yard 
high, with a shallow fosse, 6 feet to 9 feet wide, round it. The 
eastern angles are rounded, and it measures about 63 feet by 93 

Another double track runs to two shallow hollows, evidently 
like the ponds at Tailltiu; a low mound stands between them. 
Another hollow way runs from them at right angles and towards 
the S. W. We cross the valley and stream in that direction, and 
climb the farther slope to the summit of the S. W. plateau called 
Knockaunatarriff , " the Bull's mount," which commands a beauti- 
ful view of the mountain. It is quite possible that it is a casual 
name, like " Stagpark " and " Bullpark " elsewhere,' but when 
we consider that it is the principal height of this great Oenach, 
and the connection of supernatural animals with such sites, the 
name is worth reflection. 2 The " Prison of (the holy horse) Liath 

1 Ancient Laws, IV, p. 220, " Clad firt, ie., of an Oenach." 

2 For such animals — The two " king cattle " of Ireland gave their 
name to Mag Femen in Co. Tipperary, we have the Glasgeivnagh (cow) 
closely connected with two forts in Co. Clare near Tullycommaun, and 
with others on the western edge of Burren near the sea. At Tara we 
have (see Macalister's " Temair Breg," Proc. R. I. Acad., XXXIV, p. 
249, pp. 330-2, 378-380) the Glas Temrach, the Calf and the Bo find and 
Dumha na bo. There are allusions to " Bull feasts " (Rev. Celt, I, p. 
261, and Cormac's Glossary, p. 94), and " the Bull of Daire," Leabar na 
gCeart, p. 25; oracular horse consulted on Samhain nights at Dunbin, 
two miles west from Dundalk; F-eis tighe Chonain, p. 41; also for 
Brugb/s " Prison of Liath Macha," Metr. Bind S., X, p. 201; for Koyal 
Cats of Cave of Cnogba and Eath Cruachan Feis tighe Chonain, pp. 34-39; 
St Ciaran killed (i.e., abolished oracle of) a King Cat in a cave near Clon- 
macnoise (poem of Seanchan, ibid.). The prototype of The Bonn Bull 
of Cualnge (himself a reincarnation like his Connacht rival) was the 
Gaulish Bull god Donnotaurus. For divination after gorging the flesh of 
a sacred bull see Rev. Celt., XXII, p. 22. 


Macha " remained in the Brugh and the fort of it and its com- 
panion steed, Dub Sainglenn at Eaith na h echraide, lay between 
Dundalk and the sea. 1 There was a horse oracle at Dunbin, W. 
from Dundalk, and weird creatures, the Luchduin, perhaps a 
giant fox, wolf, or even mouse ! the many-legged carapaced Mata 
and not a few others as we noted. 

We pass a terrace, possibly natural, and find on the summit twin 
tumuli, suggesting " the two breasts of the Morrigu " at Brugh — 
is it too daring to fancy these may have been called " the two 
breasts of Cuil, Nechtan's wife " ? Being on a slope, they are from 
10 feet to 13 feet high to the east, and 5 feet to 6 feet high to the 
west. A fence has been made between them, and the northern is 
in the long " screen " or plantation on the border of Mitchellstown 
Down. The southern mound is best preserved, a very shallow 
fosse delimits its base, and it rises in three stages, 5 feet, 5 feet, and 
3 feet, in all 13 feet high, to the S., 10 feet to the N. end. The 
whole work is about 90 feet long, the summits were flat, 13 feet and 
15 feet across. These command a view northward to Clogherbeg 
Mote. To the S.E., near the summit of the rise, is a small plat- 
form, 5 feet high, 6 feet across, with a fosse 12 feet wide, and a 
trace of an outer ring to the S.E. The long slope northward forms 
a natural amphitheatre commanding a view of any ceremonies 
performed at the conjoined mounds. A large shallow pond lies at 
the foot whence traces of two old roads run eastward. The con- 
joined mounds are very characteristic. They are 4 feet to 5| feet 
high, somewhat D-shaped, about 61 feet by 30 feet, and 78 feet by 
81 feet, the first dimensions being east and west. The western was 
walled with a drystone revetment of large slabs. It is not im- 
probable that the mounds were dedicated to Nechtan and Cuil. The 
fosse is nearly obliterated in many parts; it is 9 feet wide, and had 
an outer ring, 6 feet thick, to the south of which the old road runs. 
About 200 feet away is another circular platform of the same height, 
about 81 feet to 88 feet across, with a fosse. At 56 feet to the S.W. 
is a regular shallow, oval hollow, 3 feet deep and 18 feet to 25 feet 
across. Near it is a great block of stone, 3 feet 8 inches by 3 feet by 
3 feet 6 inches. Another nearly buried block is to the N.E. of the 
conjoined works. 

Knockainey, Sid Eogabail. — By far the most interesting of the 
Munster shrines was on the ridge of Knockainey, about three miles 
north from Clogherbeg. Its written documents go back more than 
one thousand years from our time 2 and embody purely pagan tales, 

1 Bifid Senchas, B. of Ballymote, p. 353, and Agallamh (Irische 
Texte, III, p. 230) in a Finn Legend. 

2 Sanas Chormaic (Three Irish Glossaries, ed. Stokes, p. 9). " Aine 
Cliach, the highest ground in Cliu, named after Aine, daughter of 
Eogabal, of the Tuatha De Danann." 


all of a very early type, while its ancient observances were in full 
force within the last forty years. A suspicions feeling in the present 
inhabitants prevented my learning whether the rites are not still 
performed, but, certainly, the ancient goddess and her brother 
Fer I are still remembered, and the conjoined mounds are called 
" Dunainey." 

The legend i seems to go dimly back to a past before the divine 
race of the Celts, the Tuatha De Danann, were worshipped on the 
ridge. Five tribes forming the " pre-Milesian " Mairtene group 
used to cut brushwood 2 on the ridge, for, like Tara, it was a Druim 
Collchailli," a pleasant hazel ridge, and " pleasant mound " is held 
to mean ceremonial mound. At last the god Midir, at Uisnech, 
sent the children of his son Donn, Eogabal and TJainide, to settle 
there. Donn was probably the god reverenced on the great dome 
of the loftier ridge of Knockfirina 3 in central County Limerick, all 
of which it dominates. Eogabal had a son Fer I, Fer Fi, or Ferfidail, 4 
and a daughter Aine. She seems also to have had a sister Aife, 
who gave her name to Gleneefy, not far to the S. E., and its hill the 
old Ceann Aife. 5 The god family hesitated to attack and expel the 
five tribes, so Aine promised to do it by her magic if the hill bore 
her name for ever, and kept her promise. Uainide got his residence 
facing Uisnech on the north of the ridge, Aine in a Sid, or 
cairn, to the east, Fer I in a cairn to the south, and Eogabal to the 
west. This has an important bearing on the identity of the mounds. 
Uainide, Eogabal, and Fer I had wives Emer, Cacht, and Eter : 
Aine was unmarried. Cacht (or Bacht) seems to have been a 
" friendly spirit " to King Finghin mac Luchta, visiting him at 
Drom Finghin, 6 where the royal fort of Treada na riogh stood, 7 most 
probably the mote of Kilfinnan. 

King Oilioll Aulom, finding the pasture on the hill grazed down, 
laid in wait on Samhain eve till the Sid mound opened. Eogabal 
and Aine came out, the latter playing on a brass timpan or lyre. 
Oilioll speared the father and violated the daughter. Fer I avenged 

1 " AineV History tell," Silva Gadelica, II, p. 575. From Egerton 
MSS., 92 f, 37 b. 

2 An act of worship to the Sid King in " Echtra Nerai " (Bev. Celt., 
X, p. 219). 

3 Proc. B. I. Acad., XXXIV, p. 163. 

4 Also Fere (Todd Led., XV, p. 3)„ Fermaise (Silva Gad., p. 248), Fer 
Fidhail (Bev. Celt., XVI, p. 152). 

5 Aife (though Ceann Aife was near Cenn Febrat, probably Duntri- 
league Hill, over Glen Aife) does not appear in the Knockainey legends, 
but in the southern group probably connected with the Corca Laegde 
(see Proc. B. I. A., XXXIV, pp. 167-9) which connect Aine, Aife and 
Fer Fi with the sea god Manannan. Aife figures as the cruel step- 
mother in the " Fate of the Children of Lir," Manannan's father, and 
becomes an aerial demon, probably a Christian " slander." 

6 Booh of Fermoy (Irish Texts Ser., R.I.A.), Vol. I, p. 9. 

7 Leabar, na gCeart, p. 89, 93. 


his family by making enmity between the son and stepson of the 
wrongdoer, which led to the disastrous battles of Cenn Febrat and 
Magh Mucrimhe (A.D. 186 and 195). 1 

Legend 2 (in my memory) told how Aine and her red bull came out 
of the green hill'; how she was outraged by an Earl of Desmond, and. 
had a son Garad, really an ancient hero, or demigod, from Geibtine, 
or Askeaton ; how she gave its sweet scent to the meadow sweet, 
was the kindest hearted of women (which appears in the old tales 
when she alone of the gods ventured to harbour the ruined Becuma 
Gneisel),3 and protected herds, flocks and crops and their owners. 
Down to 1879, men used to go with naming " wisps " at night to 
her ridge, go sunward round the " Mound of the three persons," 
and visit the village, meadows and herds for good luck. Local 
legend said that Fer Fi avenged her by burning Dun Claire, the 
legendary palace of King Oilioll Aulom. 4 

The remains on the hill are the cairn of Aine, on the highest 
point of the ridge (as Cormao's glossary says about A.D. 890-900), 
to the east. It is dug deeply by treasure-seekers and for stones 
for a long wall beside it, but is still 6 feet to 11 feet high and about 
55 feet across. Over 100 feet to the west are the remarkable con- 
joined mounds, small round barrows of the " Eathnarrow type," 
hardly rising above the field level from their deep fosses. They 
measure about 250 feet N. and S., being respectively 33 feet, 36 
feet, and 36 feet N. and S., and 63 feet to 54 feet E. and W., being 
about 12 feet apart, there is no sign of an outer ring, and they are 
of a different type from the conjoined disc barrows of Coolough- 
tragh, at Cush, or from the conjoined cairns at Monasteranenagh. 
This warns us not to confuse all conjoined works together. Some 
are evidently ceremonial as at Aine, and that and sepulchral as at 
Cush; others are apparently residential like Boherygeela, As in 
the high motes, each must be classified by all the available evi- 
dence, not by cut and dry rules, and " final " or " closed 
theories, the last word of self-sufficient dogmatism and the nega- 
tion of research. At 27 feet from the north fosse is a very note- 
worthy monument, which I have ventured to suggest as the cairn 
of Uainide, who " held the north." It is a ring, 6 feet thick, and 
about 63 feet across, the northern half being obliterated. In the 
centre is a small cairn, 18 feet across, and rarely 4 feet high, of 
field stones; as usual, the centre has been opened. Curiously 

1 Battle of Magh Mucrimhe. 

2 Partly gathered in my boyhood, 1870-5, at Attyflin, partly in the 
valuable paper by David FitzGerald (1879), JRev. Celtique, IV. 

3 Echtra Airt in Booh of Fermoy, p. 139, Eriu, III, p. 163. 

4 Collected by Dr Douglas Hyde, and recently published in Celtic 


enough, the mounds are cut in a rather steep slope, avoiding the 
convenient plateau, hardly 20 feet away to either side. As at 
Cooloughtragh, a modern fence has been made between the north 
ring and its companions. The local name of the three mounds is 
Dun Ainey and (at least in 1879) ' ' Mullach an triuir , ' ' or, as David 
FitzGerald has it, Mullach Cruachain laimhre leab an triuirX The 
mound of the three persons — probably Eogabal, Aine and Ferfl or 
Bacht (Cacht), Emer and Eter, wives of Eogabal, Uainide and 
Eer Fi. 

The western end of the ridge has a much injured normal ring 
fort. As " Eogabal was at the western end," it may have been his 
Sid adapted for residence, and is most probably the fort where King 
Fiacha Muillethan so richly rewarded Coirbre Muse for his song, 
that which the Leabar na gCeart 2 calls the king-fort of Aine, and 
which King Brian repaired as Dun Cliach," 1002-1012. 

We need only note it as a platform 5 feet high, 108 feet E. and 
W., and 125 feet N. and S., about 180 feet over all, with a ring 12 
feet to 18 feet thick and 10 feet to 12 feet high. Traces are found 
of the fosse, in which is a rock-cut spring, choked with water plants. 

A levelled ring wall lies at the foot of the ridge, beside Boher- 
nascaw (" the way of the hawthorn "), from the Fair Green to 
Bruff , above the old lake of Any, named in Norman grants down to 
1322, but now a drained marshy hollow. 3 Whether the ring con- 
tained the cairn of Fer Fi is not certain : " Fer Fi (held) the south 
with his dwelling in a comely cairn " ; it was more probably near 
the conjoined rings, but I found no trace of it or of the Echlasa of 
the horses of the Ultonians, a row of pillars, named in the Mesca 
Ulad, 4 and most probably taken for building material long ago A 

1 Revue Celt., IV, pp. 185-191. Cf. the " mound of the three youths of 
the Sid " at Tara, " Tulach an trir " (Battle of Magh Leana, p. 92), and 
the three tulach mounds of the Tuatha De at Cenn Febrat (Agallamh, 
Silva Gad., II, p. 125). Cf, Tulach of meeting not to be disturbed by 
quarrels, Ancient Laws, Senchas Mor, I, p. 175. Not to sit on tulach, 
Book of Bights, pp. 5, 21; Agallamh, II, p. 125. Cattle trespassing on 
" pleasant " (Ceremonial) hills, Ancient Laws, Book of Acaill, III, 
p. 296. 

2 Leabar na gCeart, p. 89. 

3 Grossi Fines, No. 14, P. R.O.I. For other drained lakes in this 
region we have Loch Ceann at the other side of this ridge, near Knock- 
derc; Loch Lungae (Tripart Life, p. 209); Loch bo (Agall., Silva Gad., 
II, p. 123), many marshy hollows now drained, but evidently lakes, lie 
from Slieve Eeagh to Emly. 

4 Mesca Ulad, p. 17. Cf. " Echlasc ech Chon Chulainn " (Agall. S. G., 
II, p. 161), and " Echlainn Loga " (Rev. Celt., XXVI, p. 29). The 
pillars, perhaps, suggested a horse rod or . the stakes of a "snow 
shelter " to different minds. [Since I wrote this Professor Macalister, 
" Temair Br eg/ ' p. 330, gives arguments for a horse cultus at Tara. Was 
there one at Knockainey where Oilioirs horses used to graze the hill? 
(Battle of Magh Mucrimhe, Silva G.- II, p. 347), and EogabaFs ( Phorses) 
grazed it bare."!. k 


curious rock-cut well lies half way down the S. slope, below Aine's 

It need only be mentioned that the description of the surround- 
ing scenery put into the mouth of Cu Chulaind in the Mesca Ulad 
is minutely accurate in all particulars, save that I (at least) have 
never seen the Shannon from its summit. 1 

Oenach Cairbre or Beag. — The last of the Assembly places is 
on the north bank of the Cammoge, near Croom, opposite to the 
great Cistercian Abbey, S ta Maria de Magio, or Monasteranenagh. 
The former name acquits the " Mesca Ulad " of error in making 
the Ultonians ford the pool of the Maig, east of Knockainey, really 
the Cammoge, the Irish name recalls the Oenach on its own site. 
It is impossible to say for certain how the Oenach bore the name of 
Cairbre ; it may be from the Ui Cairbre or from Cairbre Muse, whose 
legend (the most mythical of Munster myths) gives him land and 
places a branch of his " descendants " the Muscraige in Aes tri 
Maige. Personally, I suggest that the name replaces that of an 
old tribal sanctuary Sid Asail, or Sidean maig nAsail, near Druim 
Assail or Tory Hill, a dark knoll some 400 feet high, rising not far 
behind, the Sid mound. The Asail tribe was said to be a branch of 
the Clann Umoir, the well-known Firbolg tribe, in the days at the 
opening of our era. One tale of Asal is located most minutely at 
this very spot, and gives it the added interest of a located fighting 
place of the Red branch hero, Fergus mac Roig. 2 

Asal, son of Umoir, sat one day on his tulach, " Minister's cen- 
tral point," the ancient Dromassell, now Tory Hill. Fergus 
mac Roig came to see him and found him very sad, anticipating 
death. The Red branch hero determined, if possible, to save his 
friend, so he bade his charioteer drive him first eastward and then 
southward, and reach " the ford of the chariot of Fergus." Close 
to this the hero lay in wait, and soon ' ' a host from Spain ' ' crossed 
the river. Thirty spearmen attacked him, but, though badly 
wounded, he killed them all. His resistance was, however, useless 
to his friend, for, under cover of the attacking band, the main army 
crossed, slew Asal, and placed his head on Drom nAsail, whence its 
name. When Fergus recovered from his wounds he invaded 
** Spain/' cut off its king's head, and offered his head to the manes 
of his dead friend, Asal, on the Hill. 3 

Now, France, Greece, Hirualt, Lochlann, and Spain are used 

1 I have only once seen the river from Kilfinnan Mote; much depends 
on the tide, light and air. 

2 Silva Gadelica II, p. 528, from Book of Leinster, f 202 a. 

3 One of the chief battles of Fergus was against Clann Degad (of the 
Ernai) in Luachair (Tain bo Flidais in Celtic Review, II, p. 21). Lua- 
chair probably extended to Loch Derg and Glenlara on Slievereagh. 


indiscriminately for any foreign land, so, perhaps, we may regard 
Spain as Iberian or Ivernian, and referring to the Ernai and the 
Eber race. Taking a map, we see, as usual, the minute topographi- 
cal accuracy of the old myth. Driving eastward and southward, we 
reach the ford on the Cammoge to the S.E. of Tory Hill. The ford 
is too wide to be defended even by a single hero, unlike the ford 
held by Cu Chulaind in the Tain bo Cualnge. The place where 
Fergus stood back from the direct road commanded the stretch of 
the ford from the slightly rising ground at the conjoined cairns. 
The Abbey bridge and old mill mark the shallow on the Cammoge. 
Whether the conjoined rings formed the Ceann duin Asail, 1 or 
Head-fort of Asail, is probable but uncertain. Asal and Magh n Asail 
are King-forts in the Book of Rights. 2 

First and chief of the remains at the ancient Oenach is the Sid 
mound called Sheenafmnoge (" royston crow's holy mound ") 
covered by the mass of hawthorns, which follows its outline, and 
with the dark Drumassell or Tory Hill, 3 and the woods on its flank 
beyond, it is a very striking object. It is probably the Sid (or 
Sidedn) of Asal or Maig Asail. Whether, as so often, the royston 
crows typify the war goddess, and whether in this case there is a 
reference to Dairfhine, or Macha, the ancestress (in some versions 
ancestor) of the Dergthene race, I venture to suggest, but not to 

It is an earthen mound 10 feet to 12 feet high, slightly oval with 
a flat top, 15 feet to 18 feet across, and from 46 feet to 60 feet 
at the base. A shallow depression rather than a fosse, rarely over 
a foot deep, and only 6 feet wide at most, surrounds the base. In 
the next field is a featureless earthen ring, 4 feet or 5 feet high, the 
garth level with the field. There are two small ring works at the 
bend of the river to the east of the Abbey, but I question whether 
the Oenach extended so far. None of the earthworks are of much 
note save the tumulus and the ensuing very remarkable monument. 

The conjoined cairns, on the slightly rising ground to the north 
of the Abbey (of whose long brown arcade they command a fine 
view) are the most remarkable of the remains.- The hollow way of 

1 Sirna Saeglach, son of Dian, fought great battles at Ceann Duin and 
Ui Failge (not Offaly, but a place in the Luachair and Clm region) at 
the (euhemerist) date B.C. 1032 — an old legend in a preposterous chrono- 
logical setting. I suspect Ui Failge as being a scribe's error for Ui 
Failbe, as there was a tribe, Cenel Failbe affiliated to the Dal Cais early 
in the fifth century. 

2 Leabar na gCeart, pp. 92, 93. 

3 Mend, son of Umor, the poet, Mag nAsail in Munster named from 
Assal, son of Umor (Book of Ballymote, 30 a). The name was still known 
to the peasantry in 1878. It appears in Norman records as Drumassell, 
1289 and 1311. It is Drumassyll in 1418, Cnockgromassel in 1657 (Down 
Survey, 21a, 24b). 


an old road from the ford to the rings is 4 feet to 5 feet deep, and 
about 10 feet wide. I assert nothing as to its age. 

Unfortunately, the convenient mass of stones tempted the 
road-makersl (as did the ruins of the Abbey) to deface the cairns 
for material, so only the southern segment of each remains. Where 
no respect was shown to a church, what could be expected for a 
nameless pagan monument? The cairns had flat tops and steep 
sides of stones set in earth. They rise 10 feet to 13 feet over the 
fosse, but this last has been dug into, or choked, in parts, so 
the true height is doubtful. The fosse is nearly filled to the south, 
where it is only 5 feet or 6 feet deep, the west mound rises 7 feet 
above it, but the tops of the cairns are practically level. . The 
eastern consists of large stones and many slabs, some 4 feet 6 inches 
long, many about 2 feet by 2 feet by 3 feet. The whole is much 
overgrown. Outside the fosse, which is 9 feet to 15 feet wide, the 
outer ring is 8-shaped in plan, the cairns lying W. and E. The 
mound is of earth, stone-faced, rising 4 feet to 6 feet over the field, 
15 feet to 18 feet thick at that level, and 8 feet to 10 feet wide on 
top, the sides still steep to the S. and E. The north side is com- 
pletely levelled, and the west defaced, and a modern fence made 
along it. All is a thicket of thorn bushes. 

It is disappointing to be unable to fix the date of the local cele- 
brations at these four assembly places, as we can at the great 
Oenach sites. There we know that the rites were celebrated at 
Carmun and Tailltiu at the sun god's festival (his marriage with 
Ireland), the Lugnasad, August 1st. At Tara and Tlachtga the cele- 
brations fell on Samhain ; we dare not add Knockainey, for though 
the outrage of the deities there was carried out on that day it was 
the day when all Sid mounds were known to open and the divine 
occupants to come out. At Uisneach the ceremony was held at 
Beltaine. I dare not argue from the date of modern fairs at these 
places. Oristown — i.e., Tailltiu — was held in 1678 on May 1 and 
September 29; later on May 13 and October 15. Ballinvreena (or 
Temair Erann) fairs were on April 21, June 22, August 31, and 
November 19; Enagh, in Clare, on July 31 (we might say Lugnasad) 
and December 17. There is no record of the day of the " Iraghts " 
at Magh Adair. Strange to say, Athboy, which we might suppose 
was a successor of the Oenach of Tlachtga, fell on August 4 in the 
Lugnasad period, for the festival period sometimes extended for a 

1 For early cases of digging into a Sid mound see " Feis tighe Oho- 
nain/ 3 p. 173, and Rev. Celt., Ill, pp. 347-355, XXII, p. 402, the tale of 
Oengus, son of the Dagda, and the digging into Sid Uaman, the resi- 
dence of Ethal Anbual. The Ancient Laws (V, p. 477, Law of an Oenach), 
refers to " cutting a gap in the grave of a chief as at Suidech na 


week or a fortnight to either side of its chief day. The " Mesca 
Ulad " tells us that winter was not the time of the Oenach Clochair 
which teaches us little. Knockainey was on August 11, November 
11 ; Knocklong, June 8, October 1 ; Kilfinan was on May 19, August 
1 (or 9) (Lugnasad) for horses, October 21 or 25. These were the 
dates between 1760 and 1810. 

Other Sites. 

Leaving out the great Bronze Age sanctuary at Loch Gut, with 
its endless circles, pillars, dolmens, cairns and ring walls," many 
other sites have claims to be connected with the later pagan faiths 
and the social culture of Celtic colonists. 

(1) Cromwell Hill has not only two cairns or tumuli and a fine 
long dolmen, but a large mound about 100 feet N. and S , and 88 
feet E. and W., with a slight fosse and 15 feet to 20 feet high. On 
its platform rises another boss, making it 30 feet in all. In 1826 
it bore the now forgotten name of " Sighcann na Fiona," the 
Sidedn of the Fiana. A rocky outcrop south of the hill is called 
Cashlaun Chruim, after the mysterious god, demon, or even 
Bishop, " Crom dubh," possibly an alias of Ceann Cruaich. 

(2) The defaced cairn on Knockfirina, called " Strickeen " (or as 
Lewis, spells it, Struadhraicin, " an ancient temple "), is almost 
certainly the Sid of Donn (Firinne), the son of Midir.l ■ 

(3) The conjoined rings of Baunteen, with a cairn near them, 
lying below the great " Harps " formed by coombs and parallel 
watercourses on the flanks of the Galtees, the ancient Crotta Cliach, 
may be connected with the divine harper, Cliu, who played on two 
harps and gave the mountain its name. The cairn had a cist. 

(4) The mound of Kilfmnan, 34| feet high, and only 39 feet- 
wide on the flat top, with its three deep fosses and 'high rings may 
be another ceremonial mound. It is called " Dromfinghin with 
Treada na riogh," the triple ringed of the Kings, in the Leabar na 
gCeart, 2 and is connected with the goddess Bacht of Si'd Cliach or 
Knockainey in the Book of Fermoy. The present fair green ad- 
joins the mote. 

(5) " Mount Sion " is said to be a corruption of Cnoc an t 
Sidedn, " Mount of the divine mound." 

(6) Enaehgare, close to Dunganville fort, marks an otherwise 
unrecorded Oenach, and evidently (as at Oenach maig Adair) there 
was a Bile or venerated tree as the fort name implies. 

(7) Barruanenagh, a fort three-quarters of a mile north of 
Herbertstown (O. S. 32), the name recalls Ballykinvarga (a fair 

U^roc. B.I.A., XXXIV, p. 163. 
• Loc. ext., pp. 89, 93. 


green near a great stone fort, County Clare). I have no early 
record of fairs here. 

In County Clare may be added. 

(8) Carn Conaill, the assembly place of the Corca Baiscinn, 
very probably the great cairn of " Cairn Connachtach, " on the 
river Daelach, north from Ennistymon. 

(9) Emlagh.— In the O'Brien's rental, about 1390, it is given as 
mbili, and in;1675 as Billy,* showing that a sacred tree grew there. 

(10) Oenach m Bearrain, named in the Leabar na gCeart; it 
was at Burrane, near Lisrawer fort. 

(11) Oenach Maig Adair, the famous inauguration place of the 
Dal Cais princes from 877, in Toonagh, near Quin. It has a 
natural amphitheatre, a flat-topped mound, 24 feet high and 77 feet 
to 100 feet across the top, with a fosse, gangway (to the west), and 
outer ring 6 feet high. Near it a large rock with two basins, and a 
cairn or mound, 10 feet high and 21 feet across, 33 feet to the N. W. 
of the great mound. Across the Hell River is a slab, or pillar, 6J 
feet high, and 30 feet by 10 inches, and what seems the butt of a 
second one. 

The Bile Maig Adair, or venerated tree, was cut down by the 
High King Maelsechlainn, in 981, and its successor, by King Aed 
of Connacht in 1051. Meetings, " iraughts," were held at the 
mound till 1845, 2 and the name survives in Moyars Park, Moyadare 
1288 (in the Pipe Roll No, 27), Tuanamoyre 1584, Tawnaghamoree 

(12) Oenach Ui Floinn, near Enagli (or " Stacpoole's court "), 
between Kilkishen and Cratloe. A ring fort with a large conjoined 
annexe, remains on a low hill. The fair was held July 31. 

(13) Knockateeaun, near Lisdoonvarna, Cnoc an tsidcan; a 
natural hillock (carved into shape and raised), on the edge of a deep 
stream valley, it has a fosse next the plateau. 

(14) Croaghateeaun, near Oughtdarra, Cruach an t Sidedn, a 
mote -like natural knoll of limestone, the flat summit fenced by a 
ring wall with the gate to the east. We were told to cross ourselves 
" for fear of the Dannan's " and how " the whole fleet of them " 
once appeared to some nocturnal intruders. 

(15) Craglea. — There is another famous Sid in County Clare, 
that of the great Banshee, Aibinn or Aibill, on Craglea, above 

1 Survey now at Edenvale, Co. Clare (attested copy in P.B.O.I.), p. 31. 

2 Ordnance Survey Letters, Co. Clare. I am told they only stopped 
at the great Famine. They were faintly remembered by old people at 
Corbally in 1890. 

3 Pipe Roll, No. 27 (1288); List of Castle founders; Book of Distribu- 


Killaloe, but it is a natural rock, not an earthwork. The well of 
the goddess, " Tobereevul," is on the opposite slope of the moun- 
tain. Oebinn foretold the death of King Brian Boroimhe before 
the battle, called of Clontarf, in 1014. She is possibly the war 
goddess Dairine, or Macha, so prominent in the prehistoric pedigree 
of the Dal Cais. 

Names in County Limerick (like Emlygrennan, the ancient 
mbili groidnennl and Altavilla, " the slope of the Bile tree ") 
attest similar centres. The former lies along the fort of Slieve- 
reagh, between Temair Erann and Oenach Culi. The latter has no 
early record. 

BIBLIOGEAPHY (only chief sources given) 

Tara— Co. Meath.— Tara Hill, George Petrie (1837). Also in Trans, B. I. 
Acad., Vol. XVIII, pp. 27-232. Temair Breg, E. A. S. Macalister 
(1918-9), Proc. B. I. Acad., XXXIV, 231-399. 

Emania — Co. Armagh. — " Ancient Churches of Armagh/' Dr. W. Beeves 
(1860); Journal B. S. Ant. Jr., XVI, p. 409; Bevue Celtique, XVI, 
p. 1 ; D'Arbois de Jubainville and Eev. Maxwell Close. 

Eathcroaghan — Co. Eoscommon. — Eelig na Eee and Dathi's Pillar, 
Proc. B. I. Acad., I, Ser. II, p. 114; The Bath, " inscribed monu- 
ments/' p. 299, E. E. Brash. Papers by Mr H. T. Knox, Journal 
B. S. A. I., XLI, p. 93; XLIV, p. 1. 

Tailltiu — Co. Meath (Founded by the sun god Lug). — " Beauties of the 
Boyne and Blackwater " (ed. 2 (Sir) W. Wilde), p. 153. The de- 
scriptions by James Ferguson in " Eude Stone Monuments/' and 
Eugene A. Conwell in Proc. B. I. Acad., really refer to Lough Crew, 
which they imagined (without evidence) to be Tailltiu; neither gives 
any authority. 

Brugh na Boinne — Co. Meath. — Chiefly describe Newgrange and Dowth. 
Paper by G. Coffey, Trans, B. I. Acad, XXX, p. 1, and his " New- 
grange." The only general description is by (Sir) W. Wilde in 
" Beauties of the Boyne and Blackwater," pp. 184-211, in Chapter 

Uisnech — Co. Westmeath.— Proc. B. I. Acad., I, Ser. II, p. 140; Samuel 

Temair Erann — Co. Limerick. — A chief cemetery of the pagan Ernai. 
Proc. B. I. Acad., XXXIII, pp. 459-474; XXXIV, p. 179. North 
Munster Archaeol. Soc, IV, pp. 122-157, and Journal, XLVIII, 
p. 111. 

Oenach Culi (or Clochair) — Co. Limerick. — A chief cemetery of the 
pagan Dergthene. Proc. B. I. Acad., XXXIV, p. 63. Mr Orpen, by 
an oversight, as he quotes the Agallamh (Journal B. S. A. I., 
XXXVI, p. 34), follows O'Donovan in placing it at Monasteranenagh. 
As we saw the Mesca Ulad and Agallamh agree in placing it at 

Aine— Co. Limerick. — The Sid or gods' mound of Aine and her father 
Eogabal. Proc. B. I. Acad., XXXIV, p. 61. 

Oenach Cairbri — Co. Limerick. — Or Oenach beag (supra, p. 18). 

1 On the other hand, the name is said in the Coir Anmann (Irische 
Texte, III) to be derived from the god or demi god Art Imlech, but folk 
etymology is very evasive — " moonshine on water." 


Oenach Maig Adair — Co. Clare. — The inauguration place of the Dal 
Cais, ante, A.D. 877. Journal B.S.A.L, XXI, pp. 462-3. Proc. B. I. 
Acad., V, Ser. Ill, p. 55; IV, Ser. Ill, p. 446. 

Carman. — The great Oenach Carman unfortunately has not yet been 
identified beyond all question. There can be no doubt it was not at 
Wexford Harbour, Loch Germain, as asserted by O'Donovan and 
others from the mere name. Mr Goddard Orpen's paper gives the 
material very fully. Journal B.S.A.L, XXXVI, p. 11. He points 
out that it was not in Ui Ceannsealaig but on Cuirrech Life near 
Kildare, and regards Carman fort as Ailinn. However, he over- 
looks the important fact of there being " winding harbours " at it 
which apparently excludes the Curragh. 

If Cuan (v, 147) means crowds or troops, this objection disappears, 
but we have (v, 116) " ebb and flow," the " banks," and " the 
hallowed water of Carmun " (v. 275, Metr. Dind. S., X; which 
Mr Orpen has not noticed or explained. In other respects his 
paper is convincing, and there seems no other great centre to 
correspond with the numerous remains on the Curragh. 

Oenach Colmain (Ela). — Mr Orpen locates it in Meath (Fircall) where 
Ela dwelt. Journal B.S.A.L, XXXVI, p. 34. The tumuli of Eogan 
Mog Nuadat and his brother-in-law, Fraech, were there (R. 
O'Flaherty). This identification seems to put it a long way from 
Munster (for the assertion that part of Meath was Munster seems 
very mythical indeed), unless the above tumuli gave it the character 
of a burial place of the Munster princes. 

( 25 ) 


By Henry S. Crawford, m.r.i.a., Member. 

[Eead 10 December 1918] 

The painted figures at Knockmoy have often been noticed and 
described, but these notices are inadequate, and contain certain 
errors/ Unfortunately, I am not able at present to illustrate the 
figures as I should wish, but I desire to bring forward some fresh 
information and to correct several mistakes. 

The paintings at Knockmoy cover, or rather covered — for they 
are partially destroyed — the entire northern wall of the chancel of 
the Abbey Church. 1 This wall is divided into two bays by the 
pillasters, from which spring the ribs of the groined roof (Fig. 1). 

The western bay contains the canopied altar tomb of O'Ceallaigh, 
now partly dismantled and deprived of its inscriptions. In the 
tympanum of this tomb was painted a crucifixion with four atten- 
dant figures ; the picture can still be dimly recognised on the 
crumbling plaster. Above the tomb were two figures and an in- 
scription, and at the sinister or eastern side another figure, de- 
scribed by Wilde 2 as holding a balance: all these are now 

It is probable that a fourth figure, corresponding to the last 
mentioned, stood at the dexter side, and that being more exposed, 
it was destroyed at an earlier date. It does not appear in Led- 
wich's illustration, which shows the others. These figures may 
possibly have represented Time or Death, and Judgment. 

The eastern bay is entirely filled by painted figures, disposed in 
two rows : the upper consisting of three crowned spectres and three 
kings carrying hawks ; the lower, of a representation of the Trinity 
and of a youth bound to a tree, and shot with arrows by two 
soldiers. A blackletter inscription is placed under the feet of the 
spectres, and another across the wall under the lower row of figures. 

The subject of the three living and the three dead kings has 
been found in many English churches; examples from Ditching- 
ham, Norfolk and Charlwood, Surrey, have been published. 3 Miss 

x For the history and architecture of the Abbey see Journal U.S.A. I., 
Vol. XXXIV (1904), pp. 239-253. 

2 Catalogue of the Museum of the B.I. A., p. 315. 

3 Archaeological Journal, Vol. V (1848), p. 70, and Vol. XXI (1864), p. 


Stokes found it represented in the Abbey of St. Biquier, in 
Picardy. 1 

It is of interest to note that at Knockmoy the features and crowns 
of the kings resemble those on ordinary playing cards, the type of 
which may, perhaps, have been fixed about the same time. 

The martyrdom represented in the lower range of the painting 
is either that of St. Sebastian or that of St. Christopher ; it has 
generally been taken as the former, but George V. Du Noyer 
asserted that it was really the latter. 2 The figure is that of a slight 
youth, and appropriate for St. Sebastian, St. Christopher being, 
so far as I know, always shown as a full-grown man, of great 
strength and stature; the saint is, however, bound to a blossoming 
staff, in accordance with the legend of St. Christopher. 

The fact that the saint is actually pierced by the arrows might 
seem decisive, as, according to the story of St. Christopher, the 
arrows hung in the air and did not pierce him. On referring, how- 
ever, to the picture found in Shortwell Church, Isle of Wight 3 — 
to which Du Noyer compared the Knockmoy painting — St. 
Christopher is seen pierced by some of the arrows while others fly 
towards the king. On the whole, it appears as if the painter in- 
tended to show St. Sebastian, but had inadvertantly drawn the 
tree in the manner suitable for St. Christopher. 

The representation of the Trinity, which is placed near the 
Martyr scene, is almost defaced, and it can only be said that it 
follows the well-known type in which the First Person is seated, 
and supports with His hand the Crucifix -placed against His knees, 4 
the Dove appearing overhead. 

Another painted copy of this design was found in St. Audeon's 
Church, Dublin, when the Commissioners of Public Works removed 
some modem masonry in 1886. 5 

An example carved on stone is preserved in one of the Kilkenny 
churches, and another, engraved on a gold ring, has been illustrated 
by Mr. S. K. Kirker. 6 

There has been some discussion from time to time as to whether 
the figures were originally coloured or were merely black outlines. 
Mr. Brennan has practically settled the matter, 7 but I may state 

1 Three Months in the Forests of France, p. 170. 

2 Archaeological Journal, Vol. XX (1863), p 180. 

* Journal of the Brit. Arch. Assoc., Vol. Ill (1847), p. 85. 

4 The Dextera Dei, carved under one arm of the High Crosses at 
Monasterboice and Clonmacnois, seems to be an early suggestion of this 

:> Illustrated in a plate attached to the 55th Report (1886-7) of the Com- 
missioners of Public Works in Ireland. 

^Journal B.S.A.I., Vol. XXIII (1893), p. 425. 
'Journal B.S.A.I., Vol. XXXV (1905), p. 420. 

Plate II.] 

[To face page 26. 

Fig. 1. 

On the north side are the Paintings and the Tomb of O'Ceallaigh. 


that when I closely examined the wall in 1917 I found some 
remains of the colours green, brown, and yellow. 

The first resembles the pigment known as Emerald Green, and 
differs entirely from the dull, greenish stains on the plaster. It is 
clearly seen on the robe of the centre king and faintly on those of 
the others. The brown is a light warm tint, like burnt sienna, and 
is distinctly seen on the bows and arrows and on the hair of several 
of the figures, especially on that of the archer at the sinister side. 

Yellow remains on the halo of one of the figures in the tym- 
panum of the O'Ceallaigh tomb, and there are perhaps traces of it 
on one of the crowns. Sir W. Wilde states! that the archers are 
clad in tight yellow hose and greenish jackets, but the colours can 
hardly be identified now. These observations are sufficient to prove, 
independently of other evidence, that the figures were coloured, 
and thus agreed with other examples of the kind. 

The black letter inscriptions connected with the paintings are 
important, as they give the names of the persons who caused the 
work to be executed, and are probably the only examples of ancient 
painted inscriptions now existing in the country. 2 They are greatly 
mutilated, but not so much so as to prevent their decipherment. 

Dr. Todd described the Knockmoy paintings in 1853, and gave 
the inscriptions on the authority of 'Curry. 3 The lower and more 
important inscription, which extends in one line across the wall 
under the painted figure, is given with approximate accuracy as 
follows : — 



'Curry was partially misled by his determination to equate the 
names with those carved on the adjoining altar tomb, and to accept 
O'Eddichan as the artist who executed the paintings. The correct 
reading is given in Fig. 2, which shows the damaged parts restored; 
the chief differences being that the words pro animabus are con- 
tracted, that the second name is not conchubhuir, but conhuiry 
(conaire) i eddichan, and that the word me has disappeared, as 
well as the last two letters of fecerunt and part of the preceed- 
ing u. The formula is one frequently placed on medieval monu- 
ments, " Pray for the souls of Malachie O'Nollan and Conaire 
O'Eddichan who caused me to be made." 

1 Catalogue of the Museum of the B.I. A., p. 316. 

2 Five or six letters of the same form, but of larger size, can be traced 
on the north wall of the chancel at Boss Abbey, near Headford, County 
Galway. The weather has washed away the colour, but the outlines 
have been scratched or cut in the plaster. 

'Proceedings B.I.A., Vol. VI (1853), p. 3. 


I have been informed that there are still Heddigans in the 

In his interpretation of the upper inscription 'Curry has gone 
entirely astray, and this is not surprising in view of the very casual 
way in which — according to his letter quoted by Dr. Todd — the 
lettering was examined. He says — " Our next attempt was at the 
top line, from which by the aid of a ladder, my son, without assist- 
ance from me, traced the words contracted, Manz, mur, mur, which 
will be at once read by any Irish scholar as Manus, Muirchertach, 
Muircher'tach. " This inscription is placed under the feet of the 
three spectres, and O 'Curry was so disposed to identify them with 
deceased monarchs of the house of O'Connor that it seems to have 
pursued the investigation no further. 


Fig. 2. — Painted Inscription (in one Line) at Knockmoy Abbey. 
Scale |th. 

When I examined the wall I at once saw that whatever the 
inscription might be it could not be as given above. There were 
remains of more than twenty-five letters, and the first was cer- 
tainly f. As I was unable to read the lettering I made a tracing 
of all the portions which survived, and on sending it to Professor 
Macalister he soon recognised that - it was actually the warning 
which the spectres address to the kings — 


That is : We have been as you are, you shall be as we are. " 

The form of the inscription suggests a clumsy attempt at a Latin 
verse. 1 Fig. 3 is a facsimile, with the broken parts filled in; it 
snows the guide lines used to keep the lettering straight. 

'Compare the English verses (of about equal merit) on the Taylor 
Monument in St. Patrick's Cathedral : — 
As you are, so were wee : 
And as wee are so shall you be. 


Traces of a third inscription, now illegible, can be seen beside 
the figure of the Martyr ; it is irregularly written in a colour which 
differs from that used in the outlines of the figures and in the 
former inscriptions. The colour, a violet black, has run, and 

— -prtfift — nl — rnmtm nrm 

Fig 3 — Painted Inscription (in one Line) at Knocivmoy Abbey. 
Scale ith. 

blotted the lettering, which is evidently an addition, and not part 
of the original design. The colour used in the latter is a dead black 
like soot, and shows no sign of blotting. 

Figure 4 shows the Irish inscription belonging to the O'Ceallaigh 

Fig. 4. — Inscription Carved on the O'Ceallaigh Monument in Knock- 
moy Abbey. Scale ^th. (From a rubbing.) 

tomb, already mentioned as being surrounded by the paintings 
of the western bay. It is cut in relief on a rectangular stone, 
20 inches wide and 12 J inches high, which was very injudiciously 
taken from its place and brought to the Dublin Exhibition of 1853. 
The greater part of the monument fell, perhaps owing to this dis- 
turbance, and has not been re-erected; the inscribed stone was 
afterwards, as Lord Walter FitzGerald informs me, removed" to 
Ballyglunin House for preservation. 


The inscription has been published, though not quite correctly, 
in Petrie's Christian Inscriptions 1 and in the Journal of the Asso- 
ciation for the Preservation of the Memorials of the Dead.% I 
therefore give it as drawn from a rubbing now in the library of 
the Royal Irish Academy; it is of interest, as the persons com- 
memorated are known, and because Irish inscriptions of the 
fifteenth century are rare : it may be translated — 

For Maelseachiainn O'Ceallaigh, for the king of Ui Maine and 
for Finnghuala daughter of O'Conchobair, Matthew O'Coigle made 
this resting place. 

The spelling is peculiar and is evidently phonetic, it might have 
been more correctly expressed as — 

do mAetsecMAHiD ha ceUAis 
do ha mAnie i DfirmstiA- 
iahid mgeti tn clioncliotmm do m^ne 
mAUliA ocoi^te 111 teAtmig so 

The Annals of the Four Masters mention the deaths of Mael- 
seachiainn O'Ceallaigh and his wife as follows: — 

" 1401. Maelseachiainn O'Ceallaigh, Lord of Ui Maine, a truly 
hospitable and humane man . . . died after the victory of 
penance. Conchobair Anabaidh O'Ceallaigh assumed the lordship 
of Ui Maine after his father." 

" 1403. Finnghuala, the daughter of Toirdelbach, son of Aedh, 
son of Eoghan O'Conchobair, and wife of Maelseachiainn O'Ceal- 
laigh, died after a virtuous life." 

The Annals of Ulster mention the same particulars, and add that 
Finnghuala was " a woman that was a general protector to the 
learned bodies of Ireland." 

Figure 5 is a copy of Ledwich's illustration of the tomb; it is 
useful as showing its condition before 1800. It also shows the 
position occupied by the inscribed stone, and the appearance of 
the crucifixion painted in the tympanum. 

Another carved inscription of the same period may also be men- 
tioned; it is in Latin, and is cut on a small tapering cross slab 
which lies on the floor of the chancel (Fig. 6). The black-letter 
inscription runs down the stem of the incised cross, and is shown 
on a large scale in Fig. 7. It indicates that " Here lies Maurice, 
the son of Manus O'Concheanaind (O'Concannon), with his wife. " 3 

An uncommon feature at Kuockmoy is that there are several 

1 Vol. II, p. 83. 

2 Vol. VII, p. 94. 

3 Journal of the Association for the Preservation of the Memorials of 
the Dead, Vol. VII, p. 95. 

Plate III.] 

LTo face page 30. 

Fig 5. 

Showing the Original Position of the Inscribed Stone. 
(From Ledwich's "Antiquities of Ireland." 1790.) 


graffiti on the south wall of the chancel. Portions of the finishing 
coat of plaster have fallen away, leaving the rough coat exposed, 
and showing some of the marks scratched on it by the workmen 
while the surface was soft. 


Fig. 6. — Fourteenth Century Sepulchral Slab in the Chancel of 
Knockmoy Abbey. Scale T Vth. 

The first marking to be noticed is at the east side of the south 
window, and takes the form of a cross and saltire combined in a 
rectangular frame (see Fig. 8). To the west of this window are 
seen the letters X)Om^ probably part of the word T)Omine,they 
are well shaped, and of the Irish form. There are some remains 
of another word lower down, but too broken to be read. 

The third and most interesting graffito is still further to the 
west, near the recess of the sedilia. It suggests a private mark or 

Fig. 7. — Latin Inscription on the Slab shown in .Fig. 6. Scale -^th. 

sign manual, perhaps made up of a cross and some initial or 
monogram. The most important part is the date 1541, the figures 
of Which are rough but unmistakeable. The last digit is somewhat 
uncertain owing to a chip in the plaster, which has removed the 
upper end, but it seems to be 1. This date is remarkable, as 
the monastery was suppressed in the following year. Can it be 
that the chancel was replastered in 1541 and the paintings executed 
on the new surface*? In this connection it should be noted that 
the paintings appear to be actually "frescoes'" in the sense that 



the outlines were drawn on the plaster while soft. A close ex- 
amination shows that the surface blackened by the lines is very 
slightly below the general level, and is covered with fine scratches 
or brush marks while the adjoining surface is plain. 1 If the plaster 
was soft when the lines were drawn these marks would naturally 
be present, but when the surface had hardened the operation of 
producing them would be troublesome, and would serve no purpose. 

The fact that the guide lines are coloured black and allowed to 
remain as part of the ornament of the inscriptions tells in the same 
direction; they could not conveniently be removed from damp 

A sixteenth century date seems to be indicated by other circum- 
stances also. At an earlier period pictures would hardly have been 

Fig. 8.- 

-Graffiti on the South Wall of the Chancel of Knockmoy 

allowed in a Cistercian church, and at a. later the costumes 
of the figures and the forms of the inscriptions would probably have 
been different. 

It is much to be regretted that no adequate illustrations of these 
paintings have been published : to make an accurate drawing now 
is impossible so far as the figures in the western bay are concerned, 
and a matter of difficulty in the case of those in the eastern bay ; 
in a few years the latter will also be hopeless. 

The following are the only illustrations with which I am 
acquainted : — 

1. Ledwich. Antiquities, of Ireland (1790). P. 281. Also 

Second Edition (1803). P. 520. 
There are separate plates of the two bays of the chancel wall. 
That of the eastern is useless owing to the inaccuracy of the figures. 

1 On similar evidence the painting found in the palace at Tiryns, in 
Greece, has been recognised as fresco. See Schuchhardt " Schliemann's 
Excavations," p. 119. (English Edition.) 


In the western bay the paintings are of a simpler type and the 
drawing appears more correct. This plate is also useful as showing 
the O'Ceallaigh tomb; it is the only published illustration of the 
western figures. 

2. Petrie. The Dublin Penny Journal. Vol. I. (1832-3). P. 228. 

The three kings are illustrated, also the martyr, the two archers, 
and the crowns worn by the spectres, Though these pictures give 
a good general idea of the figures, the details are not accurate, 
particularly the arms of the archers and the crowns of the kings 
and spectres. 


Fig. 9. — Heads of Spectre and King, traced prom the Wall Painting 
at Knockmoy Abbey. 

3. Wilde. Catalogue of the Museum of the Royal Irish Academy 
(1861). P. 317. 

One of the archers and one of the kings are shown; these are 
taken from the full-size facsimile prepared by Mr. James Brennan 
for the 1853 Exhibition. They are fairly correct, though small. 

4. Du Noyer. A Pencil Drawing in his Sketch-book No. 1. 

P. 73 (1867). Now in the Library of the E. S.A.I. 
This shows all the figures in the eastern bay, and is the most 
accurate sketch yet made. It has been published in the Journal 
E.S.A.I., Vol. XXXIV, p. 243, and in the Eighty-first Eeport of 
the Commissioners of Public Works in Ireland (1912-13), p. 43. 



These sketches are all small, they were apparently taken free- 
hand, and do not give all the details, especially in the crowns. 
Mr. Brennan's full-size painting on canvas still exists, but being 
inconvenient from its size, has often been folded up, and has also 
been left in the damp, so that it is now in a. rather worse condition 
than the original paintings. 

Fig. 10.- - Head of the Creator from the Representation of the Trinity. 
Scale ith (From Mr. Brennan's full-sized copy'.) 

When last at Knockmoy I traced off, by using a ladder, the head 
of the central king and that of the spectre nearest to him. I 
could not do more without having additional time and a scaffold 
on which to stand. These tracings are shown in Fig. 9, and in- 
dicate the way in which the entire painting might be traced and 
many of the broken lines filled in. 

( 35 ) 


By Lady Dorothy Lowry-Corry, Associate Member. 


In the accompanying Tables I have endeavoured to record and 
identify all the ancient Church Sites and Graveyards situated in 
Co. Fermanagh, but I have made no attempt to chronicle their 
history, nor to describe the architecture of the existing ruins. 

Table I identifies the ancient Churches of Fermanagh as they 
are recorded at the beginning of the 17th century. In the second 
column of this Table the names of the pre-Eeformation parish 
churches are printed in capitals, while those of pre-Eeformation 
chapels and of monastic churches are printed in ordinary type. I 
have endeavoured to classify the churches in this Table according 
to the arrangement of parishes which existed immediately pre- 
ceding the Eeformation. In the Ecclesiastical Taxation of 1306 
Lisgoole instead of Eossorry is given as the name of the parish 
church, but by 1365, at any rate, Eossorry seems to have become 
the parish church. In 1609 its rectory and vicarage were impro- 
priate to Lisgoole Abbey, which may account for Eossorry Church 
not being mentioned in the Survey or Inquisition. About the 14th 
century the chapel of Magheraveely seems to have belonged to 
the parish church of Drummully (see MS., T.C.D., IT. 26). It 
is important to remember that considerable changes have been 
made in the parishes of Fermanagh between 1609 and the present 

In the column containing the Irish forms of these names, I have 
in some cases been able only to give suggested derivations, likewise 
I have been able to ascertain only approximately when the majority 
of the churches finally fell into ruin. 

It will be seen that the churches shown on the Baronial Maps 
of 1609-10 are mentioned either in the Survey of Co. Fermanagh 
of 1603, or in the Fermanagh Inquisition of 1609, with the excep- 
tion of those of Tulnagoran, Carrick and " Tivealough," also an 
unidentified church on an island in Lower Lough Erne, and the 
church of Edamre or Eclamre, which it is difficult to identify with 
certainty. This latter is marked on a churchland in the vicinity 
of the lands of Nafehie, on which is marked the church of Derry- 
brusk. These churches presumably must have lost their property 
or have ceased to possess clergy, and so were not considered worth 


mention either in the Survey or in the Inquisition. There is also 
shown on the Maps a chapel on Devenish Island, which is evidently 
St Molaise's House. This was most likely a possession of the 
Culdees of Devenish, and it may be the chapel of Colydea, men- 
tioned in the Survey of 1603. It is possible, however, that the 
latter chapel was the Culdees' chapel on the mainland (see Table 
II), or it may be only a term meant to designate the Culclee Priory 
on Devenish Island, which was also known as Templemore, and 
was the parish church of Devenish. 

It will also be seen that the churches mentioned in the Survey and 
in the Inquisition are shown on the Maps, with the exception of 
the following, which for some unknown reason are not. The 
chapel of Ballioconnell, in the parish of Magheraculmoney, the 
site of which is unknown; the chapel of Templemoyle, which was 
probably the church of that name near Belmore Mountain; and 
the church of the Mill or chapel of Templemullin, in the parish 
of Boho, the site of which is unknown; also the chapel of Temple- 
moillin, which the Inquisition seems to indicate was situated in 
that part of Cleenish parish which was in the barony of Tirkennedy, 
and which would seem to have been identical with the church of 
the Mill, that is mentioned in the Survey as having lands in the 
barony of Tirkennedy, but distinct from the church of the Mill 
or chapel of Templemullin above mentioned, which was situated 
in the parish of Boho. However, the identification of these 
churches of Templemoyle, Templemoillin, and Templemullin is 
most uncertain. There was also once another Templemoyle in the 
north of Inishmore Island, and in Derryvullan parish (see 
Table II). The chapel of Colydea, which is mentioned only in the 
Survey of 1603, is also not marked on the Maps unless it were 
identical with St Molaise's House, or with the Priory Church on 
Devenish Island. . 

In the Survey of 1603 all churches not described as chapels are 
called parish churches, which description is however entirely in- 
correct as regards the churches of the Mill (alias Templemullin 
and Templemoillin), Templemoyle, Clontivrin and Ballioconnell, 
which were only chapels, as will be seen in the Inquisition of 1609. 
The church at Pubble is described in the Survey both correctly as 
a chapel and incorrectly as a parish church. The names of the 
churches, as given in the Survey of 1603 and in the Inquisition of 
1609, are almost identical, but the spelling in the Inquisition is 
very erratic, and I have not been able to give more than two varie- 
ties of the names whenever they exceed that number. It will be 
seen that in the Inquisition the names in some cases occur in 
references to the lands on which the churches stood, as well as 

_ «. — , — - 

[To face page 36. 


urch or of 
it was sit 
lial Maps, 

on and explanatory remarks 

ver in Moy 

in To Horn 
in Aghavc 
in Killeha j 

on an isla 
in Temple 

'onoel Townland 

e Barony of Tirkennedy 

in Mollam 
in Magher 
in Nafehic 

in Edanir< 
in Carnar 
in Roskrii 
in Maghei 
nish Islan 
nish Islanc 

enish Island in Lower Lough Erne 
)evenish Island, or the Culdee's Chapel at 

er on Deu^ 

on an isla 
ver in Gort 
in Donnag 
rer on Kilb 
on an islai 
in Laghca 

on an islai 
in Cargim( 

in Cosclad 

in Dromhc 
in Tollinal 

in Kiltern: 

in Soshurl 
in Lisgool 
in Lisgoo 
in Taw lag 

tated in Co 

n Townland 

appy or in that of Tawneyreagh 

gh Erne 

Townland . . . . 
ween the townlands of Drumcose and Coagl 

d in Upper Lough Erne 
rne . . . ... 

lged to a Culdee Community 

h Erne .... 

.ow uuknown 

te of graveyard in Lisgoole Townland. 

Date since when 
Church has been 
in Ruins 

Before 1622 . 
Before 1609 . 

Early 17th cent. 
Before 1609 
Before 1609 
Before 1609 
Before 1609 
Before 1609 

Before 1609 
1854 . 
Before 1609 
17th cent. 
Early 17th cent, 
17th or 18th cent, 

Early 17th cent. 

Before 1609 
Before 1622 . 
Before 1609 . 
Beforo 1622 . 
Early 17th cent. 
1784 . 

17th cent. 
Before 1609 . 

After 1764 (or 1740) 

ana before 1773 
After 1657 . 

Before 1609 

Before 1009 
Before 1609 
Before 1609 

No. of Sheet of 
6 inch Ordnance 
Sur vey Map 

Sheet 34 

Sheet 24 
Sheet 28 
Sheet 21 

Sheet 27 
Sheet 25 
Sheet 26 
Sheet 40 
Sheet 40 
Sheet 27 

Sheet 27 
Sheet 27 
Sheet 10 
Sheet 16 
Sheet 22 
Sheet 22 

Sheet 22 
Sheet 22 

Sheet 43 
Sheet 34 
Sheet 42 
Sheet 27 
Sheet 23 

Sheet 15 
Sheet 14 

Sheets 26 and 3: 

Sheot 33 
Sheet 5 

Sheet 6 

Sheet 22 
Sheet 27 
Sheet 27 
Sheet 8 

se churche. 

nt), but they were both situated in County Donegal 



mention either in the Survey or in the Inquisition. There is also 
shown on the Maps a chapel on Devenish Island, which is evidently 
St Molaise's House. This was most likely a possession of the 
Culdees of Devenish, and it may be the chapel of Colydea, men- 
tioned in the Survey of 1603. It is possible, however, that the 
latter chapel was the Culdees' chapel on the mainland (see Table 
II), or it may be only a term meant to designate the Culdee Priory 
on Devenish Island, which was also known as Templemore, and 
was the parish church of Devenish. 

It will also be seen that the churches mentioned in the Survey and 
in the Inquisition are shown on the Maps, with the exception of 
the following, which for some unknown reason are not. The 
chapel of Ballioconnell, in the parish of Magheraculmoney, the 
site of which is unknown; the chapel of Tenrplemoyle, which was 
probably the church of that name near Belmore Mountain; and 
the church of the Mill or chapel of Templemullin, in the parish 
of Boho, the site of which is unknown; also the chapel of Temple- 
moillin, which the Inquisition seems to indicate was situated in 
that part of Cleenish parish which was in the barony of Tirkennedy, 
and which would seem to have been identical with the church of 
the Mill, that is mentioned in the Survey as having lands in the 
barony of Tirkennedy, but distinct from the church of the Mill 
or chapel of Templemullin above mentioned, which was situated 
in t ! he parish of Boho. However, the identification of these 
churches of Templemoyle, Templemoillin, and Templemullin is 
most uncertain. There was also once another Templemoyle in the 
north of Inishmore Island, and in Derryvullan parish (see 
Table II). The chapel of Colydea, which is mentioned only in the 
Survey of 1603, is also not marked on the Maps unless it were 
identical with St Molaise's House, or with the Priory Church on 
Devenish Island. . 

In the Survey of 1603 all churches not described as chapels are 
called parish churches, which description is however entirely in- 
correct as regards the churches of the Mill (alias Templemullin 
and Templemoillin), Templemoyle, Clontivrin and Ballioconnell, 
which were only chapels, as will be seen in the Inquisition of 1609. 
The church at Pubble is described in the Survey both correctly as 
a chapel and incorrectly as a parish church. The names of the 
churches, as given in the Survey of 1603 and in the Inquisition of 
1609, are almost identical, but the spelling in the Inquisition is 
very erratic, and I have not been ablei to give more than two varie- 
ties of the names whenever they exceed that number. It will be 
seen that in the Inquisition the names in some cases occur in 
references to the lands on which the churches stood, as well as 



g^ggis^ > — ; ; 



' ■ • ; ~ r " 1 "- ■'■ -.i, u« <«*»•; c**.; 


' ';':''!■,; 




L«-rf H ,F r), 

1 ! 


■1 »« Ballil , ,lU,M,„„v, ,„ „, pm -„ ., K „. .,, , , Ml. - *d m <*mt, 




in more direct references to the church or parish. The names in 
the Baronial Maps differ very considerably from those in the 
Survey and Inquisition, although the Maps are contemporaneous 
with the latter, being in some cases the names of localities and 
not of churches. Thus, Nafehie (Fyagh) and Tollinaloge (Tul- 
lanaglug) are the names of townlands in which Derrybrusk and 
Magheraculmoney churches are situated ; Killchaman (Killyhoman), 
Eoskrine (Eossachrin), and Gortnonarra (Gortnacarrow) are the 
names of townlands in the vicinity of Boho, Ballymaeataggart and 
Drummully churches; while Coscladdy derives its name from the 
Claddagh Eiver near Killesher church. The names Moyclogh, 
Mollamore, Edamre (or Eclamre), Carnarnana, Kibraghe and 
Dromheruic seem to be now obsolete. 

It will be observed that at the present day the names of a good 
many of the churches and graveyards are not those of the town- 
lands in which they are situated. In some cases, however, the 
churches' names are still to be found in local place names in the 
vicinity; thus, Derrybrusk is the name of a townland adjoining 
that of Fyagh, Magheraveely and Kinawley are those of hamlets 
in which these churches are situated, the latter being also the 
name of a townland; the name of Carrick survives in that of a 
neighbouring lake, and the names of Boho and Magheraculmoney 
survive as sub-denominations of townlands in the vicinity of those 

The only churches represented on the Baronial Maps as having 
roofs are the three on Devenish Island and those of Aghalurcher, 
Drummully, Galloon and Monea. In the Clogher Visitation Eeturn 
of 1622, the parish churches of Aghalurcher, Drummully, Galloon 
and Devenish (Culdee Priory) are described as being in ruins, while 
the parish churches of Derryvullan, Inishmacsaint, Magheracross 
and Magheraculmoney are described as standing, though they were 
not in proper repair. Magheraculmoney church had been lately 
roofed, and possibly something had been done towards the restora- 
tion of the other three churches. It will be noticed that by 1622 
the chapel-of-ease of Magheracross had become a parish church, 
its parish being formerly part of Derryvullan. Trie chapel-of-ease 
at Monea, Devenish Abbey, and St Molaise's House are not men- 
tioned in the Visitation Eeturn. Devenish Abbey was probably 
already in ruins, but St Molaise's House existed intact until at 
any rate between the end of the 17th and the middle of the 18th 
centuries. Monea chapel-of-ease became in 1630 the parish 
church of Devenish. It was burnt down during the rebellion of 
1641, and was subsequently rebuilt. It was again rebuilt (all but 
the tower) in 1889-90. It now contains on the south side of the 


nave part of the stone work of the east window of Devenish Abbey, 
wnich had for a. time been used as a window in the previous church 
at Monea. Magheraculmoney church has continued in use down 
to the present day, though the east gable (not including the 
window) is all that remains of the ancient church, the rest having 
been rebuilt. It is, however, the only church still in use in Fer- 
managh which can in itself make any claim to be of pre-Reforma- 
tion date. Inishmacsaint church and probably that of Maghera- 
cross finally fell into ruin during the 17th century, and Derryvullan 
church must have been restored before 1679, and is stated to have 
been rebuilt in 1776. Pubble Church was rebuilt either wholly or 
in part in 1699, and was used for about 80 years as a chapel-of- 
ease. Aghavea Church must also have been restored or rebuilt at 
some period. It was burnt in or before 1806, after which it was 
rebuilt, and is still in use. Rossorry Church is said to have been re- 
built, and must at legist have been restored in the 17th century. 
It has now been pulled down and entirely removed, some of its 
stones being used to build the stables at the new church on another 
site. Both Killesher and Kinawley Churches must have been re- 
stored after 1609. 

It will be seen that besides the churches of Aghavea, Maghera- 
culmoney and Monea, which stand on their ancient sites, the 
Roman Catholic church or chapel-of-ease at Boho stands in the 
ancient graveyard, though not exactly on the site of the pre-Refor- 
mation church, the doorway from which is now in the Church of 
Ireland parish church of Boho, which is situated in a neigbouring 
townland. The Roman Catholic parish church of Kinawley ad- 
joins the old graveyard and ruined church, which latter, however, 
is not marked on the Ordnance Map, though I am told it still exists. 
The ruins of Magheraveely Church, which have now disappeared, 
were still standing in 1786, and those of Clontiyrin Church were 
entirely pulled down and removed early in the 19th century. On 
the Ordnance Survey Map the ruins of an abbey (presumably those 
of the Franciscan Abbey) are marked at Lisgoole. Such remains 
of an ancient building as still exists here are believed by local 
tradition to be those of the Abbey, but are considered by a com- 
petent judge to have formed part of the subsequent Plantation 
Castle or House, which very likely may have been built out of the 
stones of the x\bbey. 

The existing ruins of churches, as recorded in Table I, exhibit 
features of varying degrees of interest, and all are I believe of 
pre-Reformation date, except apparently Derryvullan and Pubble ; 
in the case of Derryvullan a corbel with a human face, evidently of 
pre-Reformation date, is incorporated in the existing ruin, and it 


is possible the ruins at Pubble may contain stones from the ancient 
chapel. In the above Table, Eossorry is the only parish church of 
probably post-Eeformation date which has entirely disappeared. 
On some of the church sites where the ruins no longer stand, some 
stones of the churches still remain; this is certainly the case at 
Cleenish and at Magheracross. The ruins of Galleon Church have 
been pulled down, and a neighbouring farm-house seems to have 
been built of its stones. Inishkeen Church is believed to have been 
restored early in the seventeenth century, and there is a tradition 
that this was also the case with Cleenish Church. 

On the Baronial maps the round tower on Devenish Island and 
the tower of Devenish Abbey are shown, and the churches of Agha- 
lurcher, Drummully and Galloon are represented as having towers. 
Inishkeen Church is not marked with a tower, although at its west 
end are the foundations of a square building which is thought to 
have been one. 

I have recorded the names of all the patron saints to whom the 
mediaeval churches are known with certainty to have been dedi- 
cated, and the date of their principal feast-day whenever it has 
been ascertained. It is possible that the dedication of Magheracul- 
money Church to St Mary may be of more or less modern date, 
as it with Aghavea and Boho are the only parish churches of Fer- 
managh which are mentioned in the Irish Annals and Papal Docu- 
ments without a patron saint. Whether during the middle ages 
these three churches were considered to be dedicated to any saint 
or not, it seems certain that Boho Church was originally founded 
by St Fedbair (November 6th), who was also the foundress of Monea 
Church. St Lasair of Aghavea (November 13th) is mentioned in 
the Martyrology of Donegal, and two Saints Deacon Aedh (July 
10th) and Bishop Ferguminth appear to be connected with the 
early church of Magheraculmoney. All the parish churches either 
occupy the site or are in the vicinity of early monasteries whose 
names they bear, with the possible exception of the parish church of 
St, Tighernach of Aireach Maelain (Derryvullan), which is thought 
to occupy the site of the early church or monastery of St. Dinchuill 
Mac Maelduibh at Aireadh Muilt on Lough Erne. These two 
churches are connected with different saints, and their names also 
have distinct significations, but the later form of the name may be 
a corruption of the earlier one, especially, as in the case of the neigh- 
bouring church of Derrybrusk, the earlier form of its name Aireadh 
Brosca became changed in course of time to Aireach Brosca. It 
also appears that Aireadh Seanaigh was another early name for 
Derrybrusk, being derived from the name of its patron St Senach. 
Some of the parish churches have other saints connected with them 


besides their patrons. Thus Aghalurcher has St Feidhlimidh 
(December 23rd), Galloon has St Colman (July 28th), and Inish- 
keen has St. Mochaemhog (April 13th). 

As to the churches which were not parish churches it appears 
that Clontivrin, Magheraveely, Monea, Kiltierney, and Lisgoole are 
the sites of early churches or monasteries. St Colman (March 9th, 
10th, and 13th), and St Lonan (October 24th) are described as being 
of Clontivrin. St Colman (June 15th) was of Magheraveely, while, 
besides St Fedbair, a St Monoa (January 16th) is said to have been 
of Monea. At Kiltierney there are distinct traces of an early 
monastery which was presumably dedicated to St. Tighernach 
(April 4th) ; but I do not know the dedication of the mediaeval 
Cistertian Abbey there which was a branch of the Abbey of the 
B. V. M. at Assaroe, Co. Donegal. St. Aedh (January 25th) 
was patron af the early monastery of Lisgoole. The original 
Augustinian (subsequently Franciscan) Abbey of Lisgoole was 
dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary, and I have no reason to 
believe that the Franciscans changed the dedication, nor do I know 
if the second Augustinian Abbey had any other patron saint . Pubble 
church must at one time have belonged to a Culdee community. 
There is a tradition that St Patrick preached here and the lands on 
which the church stands were granted to God and St Patrick at or 
about that time. 

Of the remaining churches which were chapels of ease, Ballymac- 
ataggart, Ballioconnell, Donagh, Templenaffrin and Tulnagoran, 
are mentioned in a list of Fermanagh churches as they existed in 
the fourteenth century, contained in MS., H. 26 T. C. D. As to 
Donagh its name may imply that it was founded by St Patrick, but 
I know of no tradition to that effect. The land on which it stands 
used to be known as Donaghmoilan. If the chapel of Templemoillin 
was distinct from the chapel of Templemullin in Boho Parish and 
was situated in the Barony of Tirkennedy and Parish of Cleenish, 
it may possibly have been identical with the chapel of Fearann-an- 
Mhuilinn (see Table II), which is thought to have been situated in 
Farnamullan townland in the last-named parish and barony. It 
appears from the Annals of Ulster that the church of Aghamore 
(now Carrick) was founded in the fifteenth century. It is evident 
from " De Annatis Hiberniae," by Costello and Coleman, that the 
chapel of Magheracross existed in 1492. The only fact I know about 
the church in " Tawlaghy " or Tivealough is that the Ordnance 
Survey Maps call it an abbey. I do not know what its proper name 
was. It is, of course, quite impossible to say what were the names 
of, or what kind of churches were the unidentified churches marked 
on the Baronial Maps as being on an island in Lower Lough Erne, 

[To face page 40. 


e been in ruins for more than 800 years 
14th and 15th of August 

as a monastery founded by St Patrick whi 
sen restored about the 13th century, and 
vn on the Ordnance Survey Map of 1860 
were still ruins of a church here about J 
the vicarage cf Kinawley apparently in thj 
tion date 

MS. F 3-20, T.C.D. It was dedicated ti 
[ov. 14th. The identity of this island see| 
jhdall's Monasticon Hibernicum states thatj 
lese ruins consisted of nor exactly where 
the Culdee Community on Devenish Islan 
rch were seen by Isaac Butler on his jou 
this was once the site of a church, but at > 
y Sir John Da vies, Knt., in his letter to 

sidy in the parish of Devenish where there 

lh which is now named Farnamullan is situ 

arage of Kinawley and was in Fermanagh 
onged to the parish church of Cluain-eois (C 

hurch are unknown. It was removed to pj 
of being of pre- Reformation date, but it i 
in 1696, and subsequently fell into ruins 

graveyard according to the Ordnance Sur 
1 in this graveyard on the Ordnance Surve 
in enclosure adjoining the haggard of a fai 

from Father James Maguire, a Franciscai 

icinity of this graveyard on the northern s 

eyard is at the northern end of MacManus 

a pagan cemetery, as no graveyard is kno 

Sheet 10 
Sheet 25 

Sheet 19 
She^t 10 
Sheet 23 
Sheet 4 
Sheet 38 

Sheet 34 
Sheet 15 

Editions of 1835 and 
1860. Sheet 27 

Sheet 16 ? 
Sheet 27 ? 

Sheet 24 
Sheet 15 

Sheet 10 
Sheet 8 

Edition of 1835 

Sheet 8 
Sheet 16 

Sheet 4 
Sheet 26 
Sheet 22 
Sheet 34 

Sheet 14 


besides their patrons. Thus Aghalurcher has St Feidhlimidh 
(December 23rd), Galloon has St Colman (July 28th), and Inish- 
keen has St. Mochaemhog (April 13th). 

As to the churches which were not parish churches it appears 
that Clontivrin, Magheraveely, Monea, Kiltierney, and Lisgoole are 
the sites of early churches or monasteries. St Colman (March 9th, 
10th, and 13th), and St Lonan (October 24th) are described as being 
of Clontivrin. St Colman (June 15th) was of Magheraveely, while, 
besides St Fedbair, a St Monoa (January 16th) is said to have been 
of Monea. At Kiltierney there are distinct traces of an early 
monastery which was presumably dedicated to St. Tighernach 
(April 4th) ; but I do not know the dedication of the mediaeval 
Cistertian Abbey there which was a branch of the Abbey of the 
B. V. M. at Assaroe, Co. Donegal. St. Aedh (January 25th) 
was patron af the early monastery of Lisgoole. The original 
Augustinian (subsequently Franciscan) Abbey of Lisgoole was 
dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary, and I have no reason to 
believe that the Franciscans changed the dedication, nor do I know 
if the second Augustinian Abbey had any other patron saint. Pubble 
church must at one time have belonged to a Culdee community. 
There is a tradition that St Patrick preached here and the lands on 
which the church stands were granted to God and St Patrick at or 
about that time. 

Of the remaining churches which were chapels of ease, Ballymac- 
ataggart, Ballioconnell, Donagh, Templenaffrin and Tulnagoran, 
are mentioned in a list of Fermanagh churches as the}" existed in 
the fourteenth century, contained in MS., H. 26 T. C. D. As to 
Donagh its name may imply that it was founded by St Patrick, but 
I know of no tradition to that effect. The land on which it stands 
used to be known as Donaghmoilan. If the chapel of Templemoillin 
was distinct from the chapel of Templemullin in Boho Parish and 
was situated in the Barony of Tirkennedy and Parish of Cleenish, 
it may possibly have been identical with the chapel of Fearann-an- 
Mhuilinn (see Table II), which is thought to have been situated in 
Farnamullan townland in the last-named parish and barony. It 
appears from the Annals of Ulster that the church of Aghamore 
(now Carrick) was founded in the fifteenth century. It is evident 
from " De Annatis Hiberniae," by Costello and Coleman, that the 
chapel of Magheracross existed in 1492. The only fact I know about 
the church in " Tawlaghy " or Tivealough is that the Ordnance 
Survey Maps call it an abbey. I do not know what its proper name 
was. It is, of course, quite impossible to say what were the names 
of, or what kind of churches were the unidentified churches marked 
on the Baronial Maps as being on an island in Lower Lough Erne, 


Martyrqlogy of Donegal to have been in Lough Erne, but there 
seems some doubt as to the identity of this island. 

As none of the churches in this table are mentioned in the 
Survey of 1603, or in the Inquisition of 1609, it is probable that they 
had been in ruins for so long a time that they had ceased to possess 
either clergy or property. There is little available information as 
to whether these churches were of a monastic character or if they 
were chapels-of-ease. Killadeas was a chapel of the Culdees of 
Devenish, and Callowhill was a chapel belonging to the vicarage of 
Kinawley, while Kilcoo is traditionally said to be a monastery 
founded by St Patrick. Undoubtedly, Templemoyle graveyard 
must once have been the site of a church, but I have no idea when 
all trace of the building disappeared, or what this church may have 
been. Nothing definite is known of the history of the other 
churches, neither has the corbeship of Derough been identified with 

Table II also contains the names of four churches which are 
said to have existed in the fourteenth century, but about the identi- 
fication of which there is much uncertainty. If Cluain-eois is a 
mistake for Claoin-inis it is possible that Teampull Mhaoil-an- 
Ghleanna might be the Templemoyle near Belmore Mountain in 
the parish of Cleenish (see Tabic I). There was also another Temple- 
moyle on Inishmore Island in Derryvullan Parish (see Table II). 
If the chapel of Fearann-an-Mhuilinn was situated in the church- 
land of Farnamullan in the parish of Cleenish and barony of Tir- 
kennedy, it may possibly have been identical with the chapel of 
Templemoillin, which the Inquisition of 1609 seems to indicate was 
situated in those parts of Cleenish Parish which were in the Barony 
of Tirkennedy. The churchland of Farranouallan (Farnamullan) 
is shown on the Baronial Maps of 1609, without any church being 
marked therein, the church of Edamre or Eclamre being marked on 
quite a distinct block of churchlands. It is, however, impossible, 
without further knowledge, to identify these churches for certain. 

I have no idea when the church at Colebrooke was built. All 
I know for certain about it is that its ruins were pulled down and 
entirely removed to prevent their being used for profane purposes. 
The disused graveyard where it once stood is now an open space 
surrounded by trees. As to Derrygonnelly Church, its origin is very 
obscure. It is said to have been built by Sir John Dunbar, possibly 
in 1627, which date is on a stone over its west door, on which is also 
carved an attempt to represent the coats-of-arms of Sir John and 
Lady Dunbar, with an inscription dedicating the church. On the 
other hand, the appearance of the church itself seems to contradict- 
this statement. Some of its architectural details are of a dis- 


tinctly Gothic character, while other features of the church seem 
to indicate that it was once intended for the celebration of the Mass. 
In the interior to the north of the altar in the east gable and at the 
eastern end of the north wall, as well as in the centre of the exterior 
of the south wall, there are cavities about the size of credence 
cavities. In the west wall there is a round-headed doorway orna- 
mented with well-cut bosses. The east window and a small window 
in the north wall are of Gothic design. In the interior of the north 
wall, and between the small window and the cavity above men- 
tioned there is a round-headed recess which has been built up. In 
the south wall there are two large windows with what appear to be 
segmental arches. 

Lastly, Table II comprises as complete a list as I have been able 
to compile of the ancient graveyards of Fermanagh, as probably 
most, if not all, of them are of pre-Eeformation date. Those of 
Lisnarrick (or Drumshane) and Slawan are still in use, and the 
presence in them of what seem to be earthen raths, may possibly 
denote their being the sites of early monasteries. But I can obtain 
no definite information about their age or history. 

As to the disused graveyards, it is probable, judging from their 
names, that Kilkee and both the graveyards named Shankill may 
once have been the sites of churches. Kilkee graveyard was in use 
during penal times. The only knowledge I have of the graveyard 
in Shankill townland is from a local tradition. Possibly Lustymore 
Island may once have been the site of a monastery as there is a 
Friar's Quay in the vicinity. I know nothing of the history of the 
remaining graveyards. 

It will be observed that I have recorded, whenever possible, the 
names of pre-Eeformation parishes in which each church site or 
graveyard was situated, though perhaps in some cases, especially 
in that of churches, if not in that of graveyards, they may have 
fallen into disuse before the institution of parishes in Ireland. 

As far as I can make out, the site of Killadeas church was 
probably, before the Eeformation, in the parish of X>erryvullan, and 
would subsequently have been in Devenish parish. It is now in 
the parish of Trory. 


Table III consists of a list of early Ecclesiastical or Monastic 
Foundations. With the probable exception of Aireadh-Muilt, their 
sites are now quite obliterated, nor is there any reason to believe 
that they were ever occupied by a mediaeval church. In some cases 
the exact localities where these churches or monasteries stood have 
not even been identified. In the cases of Airthear-Maighe, Aireadh- 
Muilt, Cuil-Beannchair, Inis Coimheata, and Inis-Eocha, entries 


regarding these places and the saints associated with them are to 
be found in the Martyrology of Donegal. 

Duald Mac Firbis states in his tract " De quibusdam Episcopis 
that Airthear-Maighe in Tuath-Ratha was in Tuath-Ratha in 
Fermanagh. The foundation of Cealla-Beaga by St Aidan is men- 
tioned by Colgan in his " Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae." The 
Register of Clogher and the Annals of Innisfallen describe Mael- 
cobha, Bishop of Clogher, as being brother to Domhnal King of 
Ireland, and the latter state that he was Bishop from 628 until 
his death in 642. 

The late Mr J. G. V. Porter, owner of Seanadh, now Belle-Isle, 
claimed to have seen the foundations of primitive cells dug up here. 

The supposed existence of monasteries at Rossbeg (or Castle 
Caldwell) and at Tully is based solely on local tradition, supported 
by the local place-names of Friar's Walk and Abbey Point. I have 
no idea, when they are supposed to have existed. The monastic 
tradition regarding Srahenny is exceedingly vague. 

Lastly, Table III comprises the names of three ecclesiastical or 
monastic sites, which may possibly have been in Fermanagh, 
but their identification is uncertain. The church of Clarinnsi- 
lochathain or at Lachne was probably in the Diocese of Clogher, 
but may or may not have been in Fermanagh. O'Hanlon identifies 
Druim-bairr, mentioned in the martyrologies of Tallaght and 
Donegal in connection with the Sons of Ailill, with " Finntrach- 
Dromabairr " — i.e., White Strand of Drumbar," on the north- 
eastern shore of Lough Erne in Magheraculmoney parish, now re- 
presented by the townland of Drumbarna. There are, however, 
several other townlands named Drumbar in Ireland. 

As to Gobhal, it is difficult to identify it for certain. The 
Martyrology of Tallaght at January 25th has the following entry, 
giving no indication of the situation of the place. " Guaire Eps in 
Gobhail." It will have been seen that Duald Mac Firbis appears 
to identify it with Lisgoole in Fermanagh. But it should not be 
forgotten that there are two townlands named Gola (or Gobhal) in 
Fermanagh, besides others of the name elsewhere. By far the 
best known Gola, however, is the one in the parish of Derrybrusk, 
Co. Fermanagh, which was the site of the Dominican Friary men- 
tioned in Table IV. But I have no reason for identifying this Gola 
with Bishop Guaire, nor have I any proof that it was an early 
ecclesiastical or monastic site. It should also be remembered that 
the church of St Comgall of Gobhal-liuin (see Table I) is on the 
site of an early monastery founded by St Tighernach, and left by 
him in charge of St Comgall, and though possibly Bishop Guaire 
might have been connected with it, I have no proof that this was 


ce page 44. 


ighe (Armoy) is now unknown. It was 
be identical with Aireach Maelain (see T 
um Hibemiae, Vol. I, p. 233. The exact si 


f 6 inch O.S. 

iolar has not been identified. It was situa 
aldwell on Lower Lough Erne 
■ Devenish Island in Lower Lough Erne 
h the townland of Inishroosk in Upper L 
was the residence of Cathal MacMaghnus 

and 13 

3 and 34 
and 33 

in Castle Caldwell Demesne 

of an embankment here enclosing about hi 
nny was once monastic property, and it n 

in the Register of Clogher MS. E 3.20, T 

mtified for certain. It has been supposed 

not known for certain. Duald Mac Firb 
lop of the Gobhuil, and Aodh, Bishop of 
f Gobhuil 




3 inch O.S. 

was begun by Sir Francis Blennerhasset b 
le Caldwells of Castle Ca.dwell, and was st 
s said, during the 18th century, by the Hi 
Inishmacsaint. It continued in use until 111 " ™ 
he Blennerhassets of Crevenish, Castle, cloi 
milt by 1628. It served as a chapel-of-ei 
to St Mary, and was built as the parish chi 
bolition of the parish of Drumcrin this ch 
ras pulled down in or after 1844 
i chapel-of-ease to Derryvullan Parish, pr< 
nd the church was rebuilt and the tower 

The church was built in 1841 and W8 


been founded for the Dominicans, on a si 
41 ; it is thought, however, that no buildi 
nor tradition of any graveyard here. 


regarding these places and the saints associated with them are to 
be found in the Martyrology of Donegal. 

Duald Mac Firbis states in his tract " De quibusdam Episcopis 
that Airthear-Maighe in Tuath-Ratha was in Tuath-Ratha in 
Fermanagh. The foundation of Cealla-Beaga by St Aidan is men- 
tioned by Colgan in his " Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae." The 
Register of Clogher and the Annals of Innisfallen describe Mael- 
cobha, Bishop of Clogher, as being brother to Domhnal King of 
Ireland, and the latter state that he was Bishop from 628 until 
his death in 642. 

The late Mr J. G. V. Porter, owner of Seanadh, now Belle-Isle, 
claimed to have seen the foundations of primitive cells dug up here. 

The supposed existence of monasteries at Rossbeg (or Castle 
Caldwell) and at Tully is based solely on local tradition, supported 
by the local place-names of Friar's Walk and Abbey Point. I have 
no idea when they are supposed to have existed. The monastic 
tradition regarding Srahenny is exceedingly vague. 

Lastly, Table III comprises the names of three ecclesiastical or 
monastic sites, which may possibly have been in Fermanagh, 
but their identification is uncertain. The church of Clarinnsi- 
lochathain or at Lachne was probably in the Diocese of Clogher, 
but may or may not have been in Fermanagh. O'Hanlon identifies 
Druim-bairr, mentioned in the martyrologies of Tallaght and 
Donegal in connection with the Sons of Ailill, with " Finntrach- 
Dromabairr " — i.e., White Strand of Drumbar," on the north- 
eastern shore of Lough Erne in Magheraculmoney parish, now re- 
presented by the townland of Drumbarna. There are, however, 
several other townlands named Drumbar in Ireland. 

As to Gobhal, it is difficult to identify it for certain. The 
Martyrology of Tallaght at January 25th has the following entry, 
giving no indication of the situation of the place. " Guaire Eps in 
Gobhail." It will have been seen that Duald Mac Firbis appears 
to identify it with Lisgoole in Fermanagh. But it should not be 
forgotten that there are two townlands named Gola (or Gobhal) in 
Fermanagh, besides others of the name elsewhere. By far the 
best known Gola, however, is the one in the parish of Derrybrusk, 
Co. Fermanagh, which was the site of the Dominican Friary men- 
tioned in Table IV. But I have no reason for identifying this Gola 
with Bishop Guaire, nor have I any proof that it was an early 
ecclesiastical or monastic site. It should also be remembered that 
the church of St Comgall of Gobhal-liuin (see Table I) is on the 
site of an early monastery founded by St Tighernach, and left by 
him in charge of St Comgall, and though possibly Bishop Guaire 
might have been connected with it, I have no proof that this was 


In every case in which it was possible to do so, I have inserted the 
names of the pre-Eeformation parish, in which the early ecclesias- 
tical or monastic sites are situated, although it is more than likely 
that these sites were abandoned many years before the formation 
of parishes. 


Table IV comprises a list of churches and graveyards provided for 
the Established Church after 1609, the churches of which are either 
in ruins or have been entirely pulled down. I have compiled this 
list in order to distinguish these graveyards and ruined churches 
from those which are more ancient contained in the other tables. I 
have also added the name of the original church at Castle Arehdale, 
as, although being built in 1841 and having no graveyard, it can be of 
no antiquarian interest, yet, as its tower still stands, it might pos- 
sibly be confused with more ancient churches, and it also completes 
this list. In the case of Drumcrin church, owing to the confusing 
alterations between the parishes of Galloon and Drummully, I am 
not absolutely certain in what ancient parish it was situated. 

I have also placed in Table IV the name of the Dominican Friary 
of Gola, as although it is believed to be only of seventeenth century 
date, a greater antiquity has been claimed for it. The most trust- 
worthy evidence obtainable on the subject, which is to be found 
in Coleman's edition of O'Heyne's Irish Dominicans, indicates that 
it was founded between 1628 and 1641, although probably no build- 
ing was done until about 1666. Its claim to a greater antiquity is 
based on some rather vague statements in Dr Oliver Plunket's 
letters on the controversy between the Dominicans and the Fran- 
ciscans, and on the belief that the church in Edamre or Eclamre 
marked on the Baronial Map of 1609-10 is Gola Friary. It seems 
certain that this latter idea is erroneous, for while Gola and Aghna- 
carra townlands are obviously identical with ' ' Tategoule ' ' (or Tate 
of Gola) marked in the Baronial Map in the barony of Maghera- 
stephana, but without any church being shown therein, the 
church m Edamre or Eclamre is distinctly shown as situated in 
the Derrybrusk churchlands in the barony of Tirkennedy. The 
" tathe " of " Goala " is mentioned in the Inquisition of 1609, but 
neither as herenagh land nor as monastic property, and it was 
granted in 1612 to Conor Eoe Maguire as Tategoule, no mention 
being made of any monastery. It would thus seem that the silence 
of the Inquisition, Patent Eolls and Baronial Maps, indicates that 
there was no monastery or friary at Gola at the opening of the seven- 
teenth century. Perhaps this Gola was the place of which St Guaire 
was bishop at an early date (see Table III). 

I have made no attempt to compile a record of the sites of such 
churches, chapels or religious houses, as were built in Fermanagh 


since the sixteenth century for the Soman Catholic Church and are 
now disused or pulled down. 

Owing to alterations in parochial boundaries and to the forma- 
tion of new parishes after 1609, the modern civil parishes do not 
altogether agree with the ancient ones which are recorded in Table I. 
All the more modern parishes, with the names of those from which 
they were formed (as far as I have been able to ascertain them) will 
be found mentioned in Tables II, III, and IV, with the exception 
of Drumkeeran, which was taken from Magheraculmoney, 
and of the part of Tomregan which was taken from Kinawley. 
The parishes of Drummully and. Galloon have been practically re- 
cast. A portion of Kinawley was given to Killesher, and of Inish- 
maesaint to Devenish. These alterations (possibly with others I 
have not traced) took place before the publication of the original 
Ordnance Survey Maps in 1835. Since then, in 1856, considerable 
alterations have been made in the boundaries of the parishes of 
Aghalurcher, Derrybrusk, Derryvullan, Cleenish, and Enniskillen. 


In compiling as complete a list as possible of the ancient 
churches and graveyards in Fermanagh I hope not only to have 
assisted in rescuing from oblivion the names and identities of 
hallowed places, but also to have provided a guide which may 
prove of some value to those who may wish to make a further study 
of the Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Fermanagh. I have taken every 
care to make these tables and notes as accurate as possible, and have 
tried to state nothing as a fact which I did not know on good autho- 
rity to be true, while I have only quoted traditions for what they are 
worth ; but in spite of this I dare not hope that they are altogether 
free from error, and in some cases they are inevitably incomplete. I 
hope, however, that their publication may lead to still more light 
being thrown on the subject with which they deal. 

In conclusion, I desire to express my most grateful thanks to all 
who have helped me in the compilation of these tables, and especi- 
ally to the Eev. J. E. M'Kenna, P.P., M.E.I. A., and to Mr. Charles 
M'Neill, Hon. Gen. Secretary of E. S.A.I. , without whose invalu- 
able assistance these tables and notes would have been both in- 
accurate and incomplete, and would not have contained the Irish 
forms of the churches' names. 

( 47 ) 


By. Rev. Professor Power, Member. 

[Read 2 July 1918] 

Despite the vast amount of work done within the past seventy 
years by our various archaeological and allied societies, many 
monuments of quite unusual interest and of no small importance 
remain still unexamined, or unrecognised, and undescribed. The 
two .churches of Coole — about four miles south-east of Fermoy, 
Co. Cork — may, with some justification, be claimed as such 
monuments. Both churches, which stand within the demesne 
known as Coole Abbey, exhibit Celtic features, though in the case 
of the larger building there was modification by addition of a Gothic 
chancel at a later (Early English) period. Unfortunately, materials 
are wanting for a connected history of the place, though there 
are, of course, the usual entries in Taxations and Visitations besides 
some particular reference in the Pipe Roll of Cloyne. In the Pipe 
Roll, moreover, there is mention of a former valued relic of the 
church : this was the Missal of Coole, upon the blank pages, or 
margins, of which important memoranda of the lands and rights 
of the church were recorded. 

Keating notes a battle of " Cuil," fought in the reign of King 
Diarmaid (sixth century), in which " many of the people of Cork 
fell through the prayer of Midhe," to whom these people had 
shown disrespect. There is nothing conclusive, however, to show 
that the battle site and our Coole are the same. It is quite clear, 
on the other hand, that our Coole was the scene of the murder, in 
1151, of Gillagott Ua Carrain (whose name is suggestive of Danish 
descent), Lord of Imokilly, as recorded by the Four Masters. 
'Donovan failed to identify the place, but had he had access to the 
Pipe Roll he, no doubt, would have discovered that Coole is the 
ancient Cuil-Colluinge, to which there are numerous references in 
the Martyrologies and Saints' Lives. 

The older (apparently) of the two churches — or the little which 
survives of it — stands unprotected in the open lawn ; cattle have free 
access to it; ivy has been working its evil will with it, probably for 
centuries ; and, worst of all, man — for the sake of its poor stones-^- 
has laid his unholy hands upon it. The north-east angle has been 
recently despoiled of its well-dressed quoins ; for the special piece of 
savagery involved the writer feels bound, however, to say that 


the present proprietor of the " Abbey " is in no way responsible. 
Little more than the east gable of the ancient church remains, and 
this is so densely covered by ivy that it was only with difficulty 
examination of its remarkable window was effected. Foundations 
of north and south side walls are quite traceable, and position 
of the west gable can be fixed approximately. These indicate that 
the building was about 30 feet in internal length by 15 feet wide, 
with walls 2 feet 8 inches thick. Interest centres in the east 

East Window (Interior), Smaller Church, Coole. 

window; this latter, which is triangular-headed, with an architrave 
moulding an inch deep by an inch and a half wide, on the out- 
side, splays widely inwards. A feature of added interest is the 
gradual inclination of the window-jambs from the cill upwards. 
At the bottom, on the inside, the jambs stand 23 inches wide, but 
this is reduced to 19 inches at spring of the diagonal arch. Though 
I speak of an arch it is really a pseudo, or simulated, arch only — 
formed by the inclination and leaning against one another of the 



dressed stones which form the pointed window head. The nice 
observance of proportion between external and internal faces 
suggests that the head may have been chiselled out after the stones 


Ooo^ Clvvwdv — 

East Window (Exterior), Smaller Church, Coole. 

had been set in position. A further peculiarity is the position oi 
the opening — not in the true centre of the gable, but slightly to one 
side. For the accompanying sketches of the window I am indebted 


to the pencil of my pupil, Miss K. V. O'Leary, M.A. The window 
measurements are: — height, 2 feet 8 inches, without, by 4 feet 
9 inches, internally; width, on the outside, 12 inches. To base 
of triangular head the internal height is 3 feet 2 inches. At some 


Ground Plan, Larger Church, Coolpe. 

later date the ope was narrowed and shortened by rude mason 
work, which reduces the light space to 22 by 6 inches. It only 
remains to add that the masonry throughout is sandstone ashlar, 
and that window-dressings and quoins (where they survive) are 
finely cut. From various references (e.g., Ordnance Survey Field 
Books) to it, this church, I am inclined to think, was used as a place- 



of worship in the penal days of the seventeenth and early eighteenth 

The second, or principal, church stands a couple of hundred 
yards to the north-east of the last. Like the smaller building, it is 
much overgrown with ivy, but, unlike its more venerable neigh- 
bour, it is enclosed in a well-fenced and decently-kept graveyard — 
close by a Holy Well, still venerated. The building comprises 
nave and chancel, both moderately, but not uniformly, preserved. 
Of the two, the chancel appears to have been the more recently 
in use; at any rate, the Visitation of 1615 found the church (nave) 

Chancel Arch, Larger Church, Coole. 

ruinous and the chancel in repair. From Brady (" Eecords of 
Cloyne "), we gather that the whole must have' been abandoned 
early in the eighteenth century. A plain but beautiful chancel 
arch of fine dressed sandstone joins the two parts of the building ; 
this is Early English in character, only 7 feet 5 inches wide, and 
dates apparently from the thirteenth century. The chancel, which 
is nearly square — scil., about 21 feet in length by 18 feet broad — 
stands entire, but, of course, minus its roof. It was furnished 
with a single two -light lancet window in the east gable and a 
curious ope of squint character in the south side wall to light the 
altar. The two-light window, by the way, agrees fairly well in 
character with the chancel arch, with which, most probably, it is 


contemporaneous. It splays widely inwards, and each light 
measures about 4 feet, by 15 inches. The ope of slanting character 
in the south wall is 4 feet high and 9 inches wide on the outside, 
and splays inwardly to 4 feet in width. Splay, it will be noted, is 
confined almost entirely to the east jamb of the opening. In the 
same south-side wall is a small doorway of dressed stone, now built 
up; this was pointed without, but square-headed, and some 4 or 5 
feet high, within. Between the slanting window ope and the east 

Squint Window, Larger Church, Coole. 

gable was a sacrarium, 2 feet by 15 inches, and opposite to it — i.e., 
in the north-side wall — there was a similar niche; both are now, 
however, in a ruinous condition. The masonry of the chancel is of 
rubble, with dressing and quoins of good sandstone ashlar. 

The nave is evidently of greater age than the chancel. The 
latter was probably erected, with the chancel arch and the east 
window, in the thirteenth century, when the church was already 
a couple of centuries old. For the nave's comparatively immense 
width I cannot account ; the width was apparently always as great 
as at present — about 21 ft. This, against a total internal length of 



only 33 ft. , is unusual. A more remarkable feature, however, are the 
characteristic Celtic antae, which project externally — one on either 
side of the chancel and one at the north-west angle of the nave. 
These are very massive, 31 inches wide (presumably the width of 
the side walls), and their projection is bold, about 18 inches beyond 
the gable in all cases. Curiously, there is no projection, at its 
western end, of the south-side wall. This part of the building was,, 
almost certainly, considerably interfered with when, at a later date, 
a doorway in the south wall (near its western end) was furnished 
with a porch opening to the west. The north side-wall has fallen, 
and even the corresponding south wall is much dilapidated; there 
are, however, traces of a window near east end of the latter. 
Mason-work of the nave, far as the growth of ivy would permit 
examination, is of fair sandstone ashlar, resembling in general 
character the mason-work of Britway Church, in the same locality. 
Indeed, the two churches (Coole and Britway) seem to have had 
some closer relationship than any derived from mere identity of 
architect or builder; they are sometimes strangely grouped to- 
gether, under one inclusive heading— for instance, in the Taxation 
of 1291, where " Ecca de Cul et Bregwach " constitutes the pre- 
bend of John Ohoneton. 

The Field Books of the Ordnance Survey (Mountjoy Barracks) 
make the statements that Coole was a Templars' foundation, that 
the church was founded by John de Barry in 1295, and that it was, 
three years later, given by the founder to the Templars. Mr. 
Cochrane (" Ancient Monuments of Co. Cork ") follows the Field 
Books in making Coole a Templar foundation, while the Field 
Books, in their turn, apparently copy Lewis (without acknowledg- 
ment). It really looks as if none of the three statements is sustain- 
able : first, if Coole belonged to the Templars, it is strange that 
neither the Monasticons nor Mr. Herbert Wood (" The Templars 
in Ireland," B.I. A. Proceedings) should know anything of the con- 
nection; secondly, it is evident — architecturally and otherwise — 
that Coole was a famous church centuries before Norman free- 
booter set foot on Irish soil. The alleged foundation by De Barry 
may be a partial rebuilding or an endowment by him ; these Nor- 
mans were very generous with lands to which they had little or 
no title in equity. It certainly appears plain enough (vide Pipe 
Boll of Cloyne, passim) that the Bishops had much difficulty in 
protecting the vill of Coole against aggression from the De Barrys. 
If it be true that the church was given to the Templars in 1298 
the Knights can have been in occupation about ten years only, 
for their suppression took place in 1308. 

Again, the Field Books assert that Coole was formerly Cill 


Uaislean, which they state means " Church of the Templars," 
but again, unfortunately, no authority is quoted. I have failed 
to get corroboration (locally or otherwise) of the first statement, 
and I must confess my inability to understand the second. I 
should, however, imagine that Uaislean — supposing it to be portion 
of an older name — would be the genitive of Uaisle (Auxilius), one 
of St. Patrick's companions. That a disciple of St. Patrick should 
be founder of this church is not at all an unlikely thing ; in this 
connection it is curious to find the name of Iserninus (the com- 
rade of Auxilius) likewise associated with the church. Auxilius, 
honoured on August 27th, is, by the way, placed by the Martyro- 
logies in Leinster. More probably, however, (vide " Martyrology 
of Donegal," note, under November 23rd), the founder of Coole 
was Abban, a fifth or early sixth century saint — the founder like- 
wise of Kilcrumper and Brigown (Colgan, under March 16th), in 
the same locality. 

At any rate, with Coole are certainly associated at least three 
other Munster saints, who lived and most probably died and were 
buried here — scil. Crinan (Martyr. Donegal), or Crionan (Martyr. 
Gorman), Dalbach and Iserninus (Bollandists, lvii, 5, and lix, 415). 
Coole is styled a city (civitas) in the Life of St. Abban, and very 
likely the three enumerated ecclesiastics were bishops or abbots 
of the place. Its ancient dignity as a Celtic religious centre we 
find reflected in its importance, centuries later, under the post- 
invasion church regime. As early, for instance, as the fourteenth 
century, Coole was a considerable episcopal manor or estate (Pipe 
Eoll), in which the Bishop of Cloyne had apparently a castle, and 
extensive jurisdiction, and, at a later date still, we find it the 
Bishop's summer residence. 

The Field Books record a skirmish (1642) within the Church of 
Coole between the Condons and a company of Lord Barrymore's 
troopers. The troopers, to the number of thirty-six, had retired to 
the church for protection and defence, and, when their ammunition 
was spent, they surrendered upon terms — so, at any rate, states 
the English account of the affair, the only version we have. The 
terms, however, were not kept, and the alleged breach of faith 
moves the indignation of Smith, who takes occasion from it to 
animadvert upon the infidelity of the Irish, although that virtuous 
writer was aware of what had occurred at Ardmore about the same 
time, and was old enough himself to remember Limerick. 

( 55 ) 


By Colonel B. Claude Cane, Fellow 

[Eead 24 September 1918] 

The ruins of the Ancient Priory of St. Wolstan's are situated on 
the banks of the Liffey, some ten miles from Dublin, and about 
midway between the villages of Leixlip and Celbridge. It was 
founded in the year 1202 (or, according to Ware, in 1205) by Adam 
de Hereford, for Canons of the Order of St. Victor, in memory 
of St. Wolstan, Bishop of Worcester, then newly canonized by 
Pope Innocent III, and was known by the name of " Scala Coeli," 
or "the Ladder of Heaven." Adam de Hereford granted to 
Bichard, the first Prior, the lands on the banks of the river, and the 
Church of Donacomper, which was already in existence. The 
name "Donacomper" means "the Church of the Confluence," 
being built at the confluence of the small stream Shinkeen with 
the Liffey, and the first part of the name, " Domnach " signifies 
that it was one of the churches founded by St. Patrick himself. 
To this day tradition avers that a secret passage exists between 
the ruins of the Priory and Donacomper Church, but it has never 
been traced. Tradition also affirms that on the dissolution of the 
Priory in 1536 by Henry VIII the treasure and sacramental plate 
was thrown into the Liffey between St. Wolstan's and Castletown, 
where one of the old monks mounts nightly guard over it. I 
have spent many an hour at night by the banks of the river, but 
I have never been fortunate enough to encounter the old custodian, 
who would have, no doubt, been able to confide to my sympathetic 
ears much valuable material, which has been lost for nearly four 
centuries, for this paper. 

It is said that the late Tom Connolly, of. Castletown, well 
known to every Irishman of early and mid- Victorian days, some 
fifty years ago or more when bathing found a massive chest with 
an iron ring let into it at the bottom of the river. Being too heavy 
to lift alone, he left it where it was for the time being, and before 
steps could be taken to recover it, one of the sudden and heavy 
floods to which the Liffey is subject covered it with sand, and it 
was never found again. I cannot vouch for the truth of this story, 
as it is supposed to have happened soon after I was born, but I 
tell it as it was told to me by the old men about the place forty 
years ago. 

In 1271 William de Mandesham (or Kavesham), Seneschal 


to Fulk, Archbishop of Dublin, granted to the Priory the lands of 
Tristidelane, now Castledillon. He increased the number of 
Canons, and ordered them to celebrate duly his and his wife's 
anniversary, on which day they were to feed thirty poor men, or 
give them in lieu one penny each, under a penalty of one hundred 
shillings, to be paid to the Archbishop, and a further hundred 
shillings to be expended on the Cathedral Church of St. Patrick. 

In 1310 the Priory was further enriched by Nicholas Taaffe, who 
gave it for ever the Manor of Donacomper, then valued at the 
yearly sum of £3 6s. 8d. In 1314 the Churches of Stacumny (the 
" teach," i.e., house or church of Cummin) and Donaghmore also 
came into its possession, and shortly afterwards the Church of 
Killadonnin or Killadoon as well. In 1536 when Henry VIII 
seized upon the Priory it seems to have attained to great prosperity 
and affluence, and its possessions, as set forth in the Inquisition 
appear to have been very extensive, comprising lands in Straff an, 
Irishtown, Kildrought or Celbridge, Donacomper, Stacumny, 
Donaghmore, Killadoon, Castledillon, Tipperstown, Loughlinstown, 
Coolfitch, Simmondstown, Ballymakiely, Ardross, Kilmacreddock, 
Ballykorkeran, Baokweston, Inchebarton, Cooldrinagh, Lucan, 
&c. (I have given the modern names of these townlands), a large 
proportion of the present barony of South Salt, and including as 
well lands in North Salt and the adjoining County of Dublin. 

Eichard Weston was the last Prior in 1536, and by an Act of 
that year it was provided that he should have and enjoy in the 
Priory for his life a decent chamber with a chimney, with wood 
and other necessaries for his firing, and proper diet both as to 
eating and drinking, all of which was valued at £4 annually, and 
Gerald Aylmer and Thomas Luttrell were ordered by the said Act 
to reserve that sum out of the aforesaid lands for the use of Eichard 
Weston during his life. 

Shortly after the dissolution, St. Wolstan's came into the 
possession of the Alen family, and was known as Alens-Court. 
John Alen, who came from Cotesdale, in Norfolk, to Ireland, 
practised with such success at the Irish Bar that he was made 
Master of the Eolls in 1534, Keeper of the Seal in 1538, and Lord 
Chancellor of Ireland in 1539. By letters patent on December 1, 
1538, he was given a grant of the " site, circuit and lands of the 
late Monastery of St. Wolstan % the manor of Donacomper, the 
manor of Kildrought, " and other denominations of land in the 
County Kildare for ever, by the service of one knight's fee, rent 
£10. In 1539-40 he was appointed with others to act as deputies 
to Thomas Cromwell, whom the King had constituted his Vicar- 
General and Vice-regent in ecclesiastical matters, and entrusted 
with the suppression of the religious houses. 

Plate V.] 

[To face page 56. 

Drawn by Austin Cooper, 1782. 
(From a plate in the Copper Plate Magazine, 1792). 


St. Wolstan's remained in the possession of the Alens for more 
than two centuries, and their family burial place was in Dona- 
comper Churchyard, where a large vault covered with a heavy 
stone slab bearing the following inscription, partly defaced, still 
exists. (" This S) epulchre is The (Buri) al Place of The (Fa)mily 
of Alens of Alenscourt. " The last of the family, as far as St. 
Wolstan's is concerned, followed the Stewarts to France, where 
he took service in the Regiment of Berwick, and fought with the 
Irish Brigade at the battle of Fontenoy in 1745, in consequence of 
which all his Irish possessions were confiscated, and St. Wolstan's 
was sold in 1752 by the Court of Exchequer to Dr. Robert Clayton, 
Bishop of Clogher. This last of the Alens was known in France 
as the Comte de Saint Wolstan. 

There is a monument to the Bishop of Clogher and his wife on 
the banks of the river a short distance below the present house. 
It consists of a stone urn on a granite pedestal, which bears the 
following inscriptions : — On the front, " P.M.S. Roberti Clayton 
Clogherensis Episeopi & Catherinse Donnellan conjugis optimee " — 
on the back, " Sursum corda " — on the right side, " As dying yet 
we live — May 1st, 1756 " — on the left side, " Renascenter (sic) 
quae jam cecidere, cadentque quae nunc sunt." After Bishop 
Clayton's time, St. Wolstan's became the home of another dignitary 
of the Established Church, Dr. Thomas Bernard, Bishop of Killaloe, 
and there is an illustration of the house and grounds as they were 
during his ownership in the " Copper Plate Magazine," after a 
drawing by J. Wheatley, R.A. 

Dr. Bernard lent the place to the Marquis of Buckingham, 
who was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland from 1787 to 1790, and he 
used it as a summer residence. During his tenancy the very 
remarkable garden wall was built. It is about 400 yards in length, 
and semicircular, so that every part of it is more or less exposed 
to the south, and the eastern half of it contains fire-places and flues 
for heating purposes. The north wall is quite straight, so that 
the garden, which is a very large one, containing. 5| Irish acres, 
forms an exact semi-circle. 

About the end of the eighteenth century St. Wolstan's was 
acquired by a Mr. John Coyne, who turned it into a school for 
boys, and his tenancy is commemorated by the name of the well 
from which the drinking water is still obtained. It is situated 
close to the Clayton monument on the banks of the river, and is 
called the " Scholar's Well." 

In 1822 the place was bought by my grandfather, Richard Cane, 
who added a second storey to each of the two wings, and the house 
was again added to, and the interior re-modelled by his eldest 
son, my uncle, Edward Cane, in 1853-6. 


At the eastern or Dublin end of the demesne the river is spanned 
by a most interesting old bridge, built, according to Camden, in 
1308, by John le Decer, Lord Mayor of Dublin, at his own expense. 
Though probably the oldest stone bridge in the neighbourhood of 
Dublin, and one of the oldest in Ireland, it is still known as " New- 
bridge. " It consists of four irregular arches differing both in 
width and design, and has nobly withstood more than six centuries 
of such strain as can only be given by a river subject to such sudden 
and violent floods as the Liffey is, and has come triumphantly 
through the ordeal. On October 6th, 1886, the river rose 40 feet in 
four hours immediately above the bridge, which was almost entirely 
submerged and impassable. I thought that the end had come at 
last, but when the water subsided, there was no damage to be seen, 
except a few feet of the parapet, which has, of course, been repaired 
again and again, and is not the original masonry. A bridge of 
almost identical design, but only wide enough for foot-passengers, 
crosses the river two miles higher up at Celbridge Abbey, the 
historic home of Esther Vanhomrigh, Swift's "Vanessa." 

Soon after my grandfather had bought St. Wolstan's, the Grand 
Jury proposed to- pull down " Newbridge," on the grounds that it 
was narrow and inconvenient. My grandfather resisted this very 
strongly, and went so far as to offer to divert the county road, and 
build another and wider bridge at his own expense lower down on 
his property, if he were allowed enclose " Newbridge " within the 
walls of St. Wolstan's, and thus preserve this ancient monument 
for future generations. This request was refused, but his exertions 
had the effect of saving the bridge, which is still in existence and 
in daily use. 

The remains of the Priory buildings consist of two large arch- 
ways which I imagine formed the north and south gates of the 
main enclosure, 200 yards apart, a tall square tower or keep 50 
yards further north ; a smaller archway, and two small fragments 
of what was probably another small archway. These are of varying 
periods, none of course later than early 16th century, and all 
probably much older. At some period someone inserted a white 
marble renaissance figure of the Infant Christ, which is now much 
mutilated and defaced, above the entrance to the tower, but this 
was presumably after the dissolution. The Priory buildings must 
have covered a very large area, as from surface indications, build- 
ing stones, tiles, &c, which I myself have found, I estimate a 
total amount of 400 yards by 250, or, roughly speaking, 20f statute 
acres. This, no doubt, included all the outbuildings, &c, but, 
even so, it gives some idea of the wealth and prosperity of this 
old Priory of " Scala Cceli," before Henry VIII laid his rude and 
iconoclastic hands upon it. 


As will be seen from, the annexed drawing made by Austin Cooper 
in 1782, there was then another round tower, but even at that date 
it was split from top to bottom, and in a very precarious state. I 
believe it fell down in 1830, and no trace of it is left. It stood 
some distance to the west of the southern archway, and was, per- 
haps, the look-out tower in that direction. 

In preparing this paper I am very much indebted to a paper 
which my friend and neighbour, Mr. William Trench Kirkpatrick 
of Donacomper, read before a meeting of the Co. Kildare Archaeo- 
logical Society in 1898, when they visited St. Wolstan's, and I 
was unfortunately unable to be present ; also> to a paper by the 
Eev. M. E. Hogan, C.C., of Celbridge, published in the 
r Ecclesiastical Eecord " for 1892, and, of course to the usual 
authorities, " Monasticon Hibernicum," Ware, Camden, and 
O 'Flanagan's "Lives of the Lord Chancellors of Ireland." 

E. Claude Cane. 


By William Cotter Stubbs, m.a., m.r.i.a., Vice-President 

[Read 26 June 1917.] 

The Weavers' Guild, The Guild of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 
Dublin, 1446-1840 

Up to a short time ago the only book of the Weavers' Guild, the 
existence of which was generally known, was one volume in the 
hands of Messrs. Atkinson, of College Green. I have recently been 
lent for the purpose of this paper sixteen other volumes. 

We have now a complete record of the Guild from 1675 to its 
abolition in 1840 ; a complete list of the brothers from 1693 to 1837 ; 
books of elections from 1705 to 1846; Masters' accounts from 1679 
to 1714; two books containing the names and addresses of Quarter 
Brothers from 1707 to 1723, and another in 1756; and a book con- 
taining the certificates of admission from 1821. 

These sixteen volumes are in the hands of trustees, and are 
kept in the old Guild chest, referred to below. 

I propose to divide this paper into convenient sections, as 
follows : — 

The Weavers and their Charters, &c. 
,, ,, and their Halls. 

,, and their Masters' Accounts. 
,, ,, and their Manufactures. 

,, and Riding the Franchises. 
,, and their Charities. 

,, ,, and the Common Council. 
,, ,, and Public Affairs. 

,, and Freedoms. 
,, ,, and their Apprentices. 

Weavers and their Charters, &c. 

The earliest charter of the Guild is dated 28th September, 25 
Henry VI (1446). The original is not forthcoming, but there are 
three copies of it extant; the first copy made (in Dr Berry's 
opinion) about the reign of Henry VIII ; the second copy, made in 
1704, is stated to be copied from one made in 1645; and the third 
copy made in 1724. 



The Charter was granted by the advice of the Archbishop of 
Dublin (Eichard Talbot) for the laud and honour of God, 
the Blessed Virgin and all Saints, for a godly purpose and good 
intent, and to fulfil the pious intentions of the following as 
founders : — 

Eobert Deykes, Archdeacon of Dublin. 

John Sprot, Chaplain. 

1 Nicholas Woder. 
Edward Somerton 

2 James Dowedall. 

3 Eichard FitzEustace. 
John Bennet 

4 John Tankarde. 
John Bateman. 

5 Thomas Sawage. 
William Hoghton. 
James Archboll. 
Eichard Whyte. 
William Byete. 
John Lacey. 

6 John Barrett. 
Simon Handwood. 
Peter Cawan 
Philip Bermyngham. 
Hugh Wogane. 
James Collyn, and 
Eobert Browne. 

By it a fraternity or Guild of the art of Weavers in the city of 
Dublin, to be called the Fraternity or Guild of the Blessed Virgin 
Mary, was established, which was to consist of a Master and two 
Wardens, and brethren, both men and women; the Guild was to 
have the regulation of the art of weaving in the city and suburbs ; 
it was empowered to hold property ; to have a common seal ; with 
power to sue and be sued by their corporate name; to establish a 
chantry of one priest or more to celebrate in the chapel of 
the Blessed Virgin in the Church of the Friars Carmelite by 
Dublin; to hold lands to the annual value of £40; to examine all 

1 Mayor of Dublin, 1433, 1438, and 1442. 

2 Sheriff of Dublin, 1434. 

3 Sheriff of Dublin, 1439. 

4 Sheriff of Dublin, 1445. 

5 Sheriff of Dublin, 1446. 

6 Several times Sheriff of Dublin. 


trespasses and offences by weavers, their servants, or apprentices r 
in the city or six miles of its precincts, and to adjudicate thereon;, 
to punish and correct all persons found guilty, by imprisonment in 
the city prison, or fine; and the keeper of the prison was com- 
manded to hold such prisoners till released by the warrant of the 
Master and Wardens. The Guild had jurisdiction as to disputes 
between members of the Guild. Apprentices before their inden- 
tures were enrolled were to appear before the Master and Wardens 
and Clerk, who should certify that they were of good condition, 
good conversation, and of English nationality. Power was given 
to the Guild to pursue through the city and county fugitive appren- 
tices, to apprehend and punish them. The apprenticeship was to 
be for seven years, and before obtaining the freedom of the Guild 
the apprentices had to satisfy the Master and Wardens and other 
good men of the Art as to their skill. 

The second Charter was granted on 6th November, 1688; of 
this there is no copy extant save the enrolment in the Eecord Office 
(Patent Eoll, James II, 1685-1688, No. 20). I am greatly in- 
debted to Mr Charles McNeill, our Hon. General Secretary, for a 
full copy which he made of this lengthy document for me — no easy 
work, as the unclassical Latin is very much abreviated. It recites 
that all the city guilds, having been extinguished by the sequestra- 
tion of the liberties of the city, pursuant to a judgment of the Court 
of Exchequer, and the city Corporation having been created anew, 
the Guild or fraternity of Weavers, of which Clothiers were mem- 
bers, was re-constituted a Body Corporate and Politic by the name 
of the Master, Wardens and Brethren of the art or mysteries of 
Weavers and Clothiers of the Guild of the Blessed Virgin Mary. 
This Charter is in most respects similar in its terms to the earlier 
Charter. The names inserted in the new Charter were : — Alderman 
Anthony Sharp, Master; William Craghall and Lawrence Eustace, 
Wardens; Patrick, Bishop of Clogher; Donagh, Earl of Clancarty; 
William, Earl of Limerick; Ulick, Viscount Galway; Sir Stephen 
Rice, knight, Chief Baron; John Butler, Esq. ; Sir Michael Creagh r 
knight, Lord Mayor ; Sir John Barnewall, knight ; Sir Joshua Allen, 
knight; Sir Thomas Hackett, knight; Mr. Tyrell Gellagh, James 
Molyneux, Doctor of Physic; James Furlong, gentleman; James 
Surdivall, gentleman; Eedmond Tyrell, gentleman; Patrick Sur- 
divall, gentleman, and thirty-nine others. 

The Guild were directed to meet annually on 1st August (or 2nd 
if the 1st was Sunday) to elect officers, for the year beginning 
1st November; later, however, they met in March, and 1st May 
was the " swearing day." 


The qualifications of Apprentices were that they were to be 
found discreet, of free condition and good conversation. The in- 
dentures were to be enrolled by the Clerk. None were to use the 
art or mystery unless found competent. The former precedence 
of the Guild was restored to it. There was given power to admit 
women as sisters of the Guild. The Master and Wardens were 
commanded to receive yearly two boys out of the Hospital of the 
City of Dublin, at Oxmantown (now called the King's Hospital), 
to be apprenticed for the usual term of seven years. The Master 
and Wardens were empowered to examine the work of the weavers 
and clothiers within the city, the suburbs, and six miles therefrom, 
and in the liberties. The Master, Wardens and Brethren were em- 
powered to dye worsted cloth and yarn and other woollen goods of 
their own manufacture, and to prevent hawkers using the art or 
mystery of weavers and clothiers within the city, suburbs or fran- 

There is only one subsequent reference to King James' Charter, 
under which provision was made for the case of a Master elect- 
dying before being sworn into office. 

In 1697, on the application of the Combers and the Guild of 
Weavers, the Corporation of the city resolved • that the Combers 
be added as a wing to the Guild. 

In the list of the goods and writings of the Guild in 1731, is 
mentioned, in addition to the above two charters, an order on 
parchment made by Oliver Cromwell under seal. I have not been 
able to identify this. 

In both the charters the name of the Guild is given as that of 
the Blessed Virgin Mary. Twice it was called the Guild of S 
Philip and S James. The first time is in the minutes of 25th 
February, 1763, when this title is written, and then struck out, 
and the words ' ' Blessed Virgin Mary ' ' interlined : the second is 
in the appendix to the Parliamentary Eeport on Municipal Cor- 
porations in Ireland, 1835, when it is called the Guild of S Philip 
and S James. How these mis-statements arose I am unable to 
ascertain. I have compiled as an appendix to this paper a full list 
of the Masters and Wardens from 1671-1840. 

In the Calendar of Ancient Records of Dublin there are a few 
references to the Guild. In the Chain Book, among the regula- 
tions for Pageants on the festival of Corpus Christi in 1478, it is 
recorded that the Weavers were to provide Abraham and Isaac, 
with their altar, and a lamb and their offerings. In 1604, a weaver 
skilled in fustians, of which the city weavers had no knowledge, 
was permitted to carry on this branch of manufacture. 


Weavers and their Halls. 

The first reference to a Hall of the Guild is in 1681, when a 
committee was appointed to consider what should be done to build 
upon a piece of waste ground in the Lower Coombe, lately taken 
by them from Doctor Sturdivill, and the manner of building the 
same. The Hall appears to have been duly built, and on 25th 
March, 1682, a committee was appointed for the managing and 
letting of the New Hall. The sum of £209 was spent on the 
building, and this money was advanced by Isaac Helme. The 
annual head rent was £3, and the same amount of rent was paid 
for the ground behind the Hall. 

In 1685, Daniel Mills, the Master, was fined 13s. 4d. for not 
advising with the Council of the House about hanging the Hall, 
and he was directed to put a piece in the corner of the hanging to 
match the rest of the hangings. 

The project of building a new hall was started in 1738, when a 
committee was appointed to deal with it, and in 1740, they were 
empowered to purchase the interest of a lease for years of some 
houses on the Lower Coombe, at the price of £80. The first stone 
was laid about June, 1745, and it was roofed in by the end of that 
year. Towards the cost of building, the Master, James Digges 
La Touche, had advanced £200, and on 1st July, 1747, he was 
granted the thanks of the house and a piece of plate to the value 
of £40 for his services as Master during two years, the choice of 
the plate to be left to him. 1 

This piece of plate is in the possession of his great grandson, 
Sir James Digges La Touche, one of our members, who has brought 
it here to-night for exhibition. 

In September of the same year it was agreed that the Great 
Eoom be wainscotted pedestal high, and that a closet should be 
taken off the committee room. In the next year the Master was 
directed to buy tables and five dozen oak chairs, for the Hall. On 
2nd July, 1750, it is recorded that the Guild met in order to cele- 
brate the happy victory obtained at the Boyne, and that they had 
erected a statue of his present Majesty, King George, on the front 
of their Hall, as a mark of their sincere loyalty. In the next year 
it was ordered that the Master and Wardens were not to lend 

1 The Guild were not unmindful of Mr. La Touche's great services, 
for in 1767, his son, John La Touche, was granted the freedom of the 
Guild, in testimony of the grateful regard they had for his family and 
on account of the many singular services done to the Guild by James 
Digges La Touche. In 1772 another son, Theophilus Digges La Touche, 
of Lurgan, was honoured for the same reasons. 



tables or furniture out of the Hall. In 1758, twenty-five oak 
chairs were purchased for the Hall which was ordered to be painted 
and beautified. 

The Aldermen of Skinners' Alley held their meetings in the 
Hall from a period before 1794, for which they paid six guineas a 
year. In 1797, the use of the Hall was granted to the Liberty 
Bangers for a guard room, at the rent of lis. 4|d., provided they 
repaired any damage which they might occasion. On January 2nd, 
1804, the freedom of the Guild, in a silver box value £5, was 
granted to Travers Hamilton, Esq., of Gloucester Street, for his 
liberality in accepting £30 in lieu of £69 due for rent of the Hall. 

In July, 1804, the Liberty Eangers were allowed to have the 
use of the room in the lower part of the Hall to hold their arms 
and ammunition, and the use of the Hall when necessary. The 
corporation of Sheermen and Dyers were also tenants of the Hall, 
and in 1806 their rent was raised to five guineas a year. 

The late Mr. Edward Evans, in articles on the ancient Guilds 
of Dublin, which appeared in the Evening Telegraph in 1894 and 
1895, states that the principal room upstairs is 56 feet by 21, 
and that there were hung in it portraits of King Charles I, King 
William III, Dean Swift, and David Digges La Touche; also the 
portrait of King George II in tapestry, woven by John Vanbeaver, 
and presented to the Guild. On January 1, 1738, the Master was 
directed to buy a frame for it. This tapestry picture is now owned 
by Messrs. Atkinson, of College Green, and hangs in their estab- 
lishment. The Weavers' Hall and the two houses adjoining 
(formerly the school house and alms house) are now vested, under 
a Scheme settled by the Court of Chancery, in trustees, for the 
benefit of the sick and aged Protestant Weavers. In dealing with 
the Halls, reference may more properly be made to the chattel 
property of the Guild. 

In " The Old Book of Brothers, 1731," there is a list of the 
goods and writings then belonging to the Guild : it is as follows : — 

An Account of Goods and Waitings belonging to the Corporation of 
Weavers, delivered by Mr. Samuel Maculla, late Master of said 
Corporation; and Mr Michel Boot and Mr John Taylor, late 
Wardens of said Corporation, to Mr Samuel Hutchison, 
present Master, and Isaac Gladwell and William Medcalf, 
present Wardens, May 27, 1731. 

Henry, Lord of Ireland's Charter to the Corporation. Two 

copies of the same. 
King James' Charter and a copy of the same. 
I An order on parchment made by Oliver Cromwell under seal. 

1 A deed between Forenen ( ?) and Grant. 


Book of Elections. 

Three books of accounts. 

An old book of brothers and accounts. 

Book of English statutes. 

Book of statutes, Queen Anne's time. 

A book where the goods are entered. 

Two books of Laws. 

A book of oaths. 

A book of bonds. 

A book of quarter brothers. 

A book of enrolments of apprentices. 

Four deal tables. 

Seven deal forms. 

One oak chest and one trunk. 

Two small oak boxes and the King's Arms. 

One green shag cushion. 

Three cloths and leather bag. 

Three servants' coats. 

One green cloth for the table. 

Three drumsticks. 

One standard and colours. 

Three banners for drum. 

One pike. 

Foot colours and free scarfs. 

Two straps for drums to hang the drums on our truncheon. 

One brass weight. 

One silver seal. 

One plush mourning cloth. 
The oak chest is in existence ; it is about 6 feet by 3, by 3, and it 
bears a metal plate with the inscription, " This is the Corporation 
of Weavers' Chest, ann. 1706. Nathaniel James, Master; "William 
Pierce and Thomas How, Wardens." The books which form the 
basis of this paper are kept in this chest. 

The mourning plush cloth was used at the funerals of the 
brethern, or their wives. There are several impressions of the 
seal in the books. The arms were, argent, on a fesse between three 
leopards' faces, azure, each having in the mouth a shuttle, as 
many trefoils of the first; Crest : a leopard's face, ducally crowned, 
in the mouth a shuttle, between two wings conjoined; supporters: 
two cockatrices, gules. 

The copies of the old charter, the books and the chest are the 
only items in the above list now remaining. 

But the Guild also had plate. In 1677, Peter Wybrants pre- 
sented a piece of silver plate in the form of a box, for the fine of his 



Mastership. In 1694 William Fownes gave, as his fine for Warden 
and Master, plate to the value of £15, consisting of a silver tankard, 
6 silver spoons and one silver gilt spoon, weighing 48 ozs. 4 dwt. 
In 1763 Edward Newenham, High Sheriff of the county, who was 
presented with the hon. freedom of the Guild, gave an engraved 
silver salver, which is now in private hands in Dublin. 

Weavers and the Masters' Accounts. 

The accounts of the Masters, duly audited every year by three 
auditors appointed by him and three by the Guild, contain many 
interesting items. 

Their receipts included quarterages, i.e., 2s. 2d. per annum 
from each brother, fines for bad workmanship, rent, 5s. to lis. for 
use of the hall; £10 "which the Master was pleased to give instead 
of a treat "; fines for not enrolling apprentices, for not riding the 
franchises, for coming in late on Quarter Day, for abusing the 
Master, for contempt of the Master, 1 for not bringing in goods to 
be viewed, fines of 10s. each paid by the younger brethren on 
riding the franchises, fines for following the trade when not 
free (£9 per quarter for each loom), fines on admission to the 
freedom, for not serving in office when elected, for not attending 
to be sworn a Master; a Master-elect was fined £10 in 1692, but 
this was remitted on its being shown that his absence was caused 
by his being wind-bound in England. 

Thomas Litton was fined for Master, £10 in 1697, which was 
reduced — but not to be a precedent — to £5, the Master to give a 
treat at his own discretion. In 1712, Mr Smith was to give one 
hogshead of good claret for his fine for Master. 

It may be generally stated that a good many items refer to 
money spent with some of the brethren at some named tavern. 
In an appendix I give the names of the old signs of those houses, 
and the streets so far as mentioned. Every year the Beadle re- 
ceived a new coat and hat, and two pairs of shoes and " tyes." 

Meat, drink, tobacco and pipes, after taking the Masters' 
accounts, amounted in 1683 to £1 2s. Od. 

£ s. d. 

Towards wainscotting the Tholsel - - 7 

Towards making the seat in Christ Church for the 

several Corporations - - 3 10 

1 The following appears in 1717, ' Whereas I, Matthew West, have 
affronted the present Master, Mr. Michael Walsh, by giving him 
scandalous words, and the sum of £5 being levied as a fine upon me for 
the same, I do according to the order of this House consent to beg 
pardon of the said Master and this Corporation, and pay the said sum 
for such my offence/ 






with several of the brethren the day the Duke 

of Ormond landed (1684) 



when the King was proclaimed (1685) 




Mr. John Walter for his release from prison - 



attorney-general's fees 



Councillor Pyne's fee - 




Councillor Donnellan's fee 



Councillor Butler's fee 



, , 

fees to Councillors Donnellan and Butler 



fees to Sergeant Dillon 



Lord Chief Justice's porter - 


for a piece of plate for the Lady Mayoress 


with some of the brethren for burnt brandy - 



for a coach waiting on Judge Cooke - 


for redeeming the black cloth - 


, , 

the painter for altering the King's arms (1695) 


5 5 

treating the Parliament men (1696) 




5 5 

Clerks of the Committee 



1 1 

Sergeant at arms for fees 



■) > 

Door keeper's fees - 



7 5 

at the Garter when Mr Page paid his rent 

(£20) - - - 



•5 J 

when the Warden and members waited for 

the landing of the Lords Justices (1698) 



to Dean Synge and other charges on May 

Day ..... 




to the adjutant for powder on the Green 



(gave) " the Mob to stop their mouths " 



5 > 

for several letters from Cork, Youghal, 

Limerick - 



7 > 

for hire of a horse to meet the Duke at 

Eingsend - - - 


5 5 

Mr. Walker for soldering and mending the 



■5 ) 

(gave) two Mayor's servants at the feast 




1 5 

with the brethren when we met at the Lord 




■) J 

at the Thatched Tavern, being King William's 

birthday (1709) - 


5 ) 

on the Queen's birthday (1712) 




J > 

on the King's Coronation Day (1714) - 


on the glorious memory (1714) 



on Thanksgiving Day 





In 1741 it was ordered that no Master be allowed by the Guild 
above £10 for the expenses of the day of swearing the Master and 
Wardens (May 1) besides the expenses of the sermon and the 
Is. 7^d. collected from every brother at dinner, which was paid 
when they entered the house to dinner. 

In the accounts are inserted sums paid at the tavern on the 
taking of the Masters' Accounts. This may possibly account for 
the fact that in the accounts for 1696 there are no less than 37 
items, the only particulars of which are " spent," " more spent," 
and these were duly audited. The sum of £2 15s. 7d. was spent 
at Mr. Potter's for a dinner on one audit day. 

Weavers and their Manufactures. 

The Guild was very careful in keeping up the standard of its 
manufactures, and imposed fines for inferior work. It also fixed 
the rate of wages, and regulated the size of the goods. A water 
seal was put on the goods by the alnage office, if found to conform 
with the regulations; and when the alnager improperly sealed 
inferior goods, he was sued. A man who put a false seal on was 

Cases of employers refusing to finish their work were dealt with 
summarily, while the Guild, on the other hand, took strong 
measures to prevent the Trinity Guild compelling payment by the 
weavers for selling their goods in the city. Rewards were offered 
for the conviction of persons seducing workmen out of the kingdom, 
and putting on board tools for working woollen goods. In 1754, an 
advertisement was published that all broad clothes, forest clothes, 
beavers, druggets and milled woollen goods should have a lead seal 
attached, three inches long, with the maker's name; and also the 
alnage seal, a round lead seal, with the crest of the corporation on 
one side, with the words " Cor. Weavers "; and on the other side 
a Harp and Crown, with the words round the margin " C. & C. 
Dublin." It would be interesting to know if any of these seals are 
now extant. 

In 1759, the wages to be paid to the broad silk weavers were 
assimilated to those paid in London. 

In 1760, after the passing of an Act of Parliament to deal with 
unlawful combinations, the Guild recorded their opinion that such 
proceeded from evil-minded persons, and the consequence would 
be the destruction of their trade, on which so many of the poor 
depended: and they resolved that distinctions among workmen 
(such as Munster and Leinster) were highly injurious to trade. In 
1762, an attempt was made to obtain leave to employ a limited 
number of soldiers in the worsted manufacture. 


The following were the principal goods manufactured: broad 
cloths, woollen goods, camblets, calimancoes, stuffs, crapes, 
shaggs, culgy handkerchiefs, poplins shot with clock reel and rock 
spun, velvets, Dutch velvets and Geneva velvets, druggets, 
German serges, taffety, Paduasoy and Persians. 

In 1763, it appeared that wrought silks were brought from 
France and smuggled into England, and that the smugglers then 
obtained a duplicate for them as English manufacture and re- 
imported them to Dublin; there they imposed on the Custom 
House, and recovered the drawback of 3s. 6d. per pound, declaring 
that the duplicate must be conclusive evidence of the silk being 
English manufacture; and it was resolved that a petition be pre- 
sented to the Commissioners. 

Dr. Berry, in his History of the Royal Dublin Society, gives a 
full account of the connection between the Weavers' Guild and the 
Society. Very slight reference to this connection appears in the 
books of the Guild, and Dr. Berry's remarks may be summarised. 

Upon the presentation, in 1753, of a petition by the Guild to 
Parliament, showing that in consequence of the extensive im- 
portation of foreign silks, the silk trade in Dublin was declining, 
Parliament voted a grant of money to the Society, which decided 
to establish a silk warehouse for the retail sale of silk manufactured 
in Ireland. 

This silk warehouse, was, as appears from the books of the 
Guild, opened in Parliament Street in 1765, under the patronage 
of ladies of rank, and in 1767 the lease of this warehouse was 
assigned to the Society. The Guild elected yearly three represen- 
tatives on the board of directors of the warehouse : the ballot-sheets 
appear regularly in the books of the Guild from 1765. Finally, 
Parliament decreed that, after the 25th of March, 1786, none of the 
Society's funds should be expended on the undertaking, which 
was, however, continued by the manufacturers. Thenceforth, the 
Guild annually appointed nine on the directorate. The last elec- 
tion appearing in the books was in July, 1815; and it would appear 
that the warehouse was closed in 1816. 

In 1780, by statute the regulation of the wages of journeymen 
silk weavers was placed in the hands of the Society. In 1793, the 
committee of the Irish Silk Warehouse were asked to consider the 
propriety of an application to Henry Grattan, chairman to the 
committee of trade, acquainting him that a premium of ten per 
cent, on the value of silk goods sold in the warehouse would re- 
lieve the manufacturers and promote the sale of silk goods. 

In 1794, a committee was appointed by the Guild to draw up 
an address to the Speaker and other members of the Commons, 



praying for their interference to procure £400 per annum for the 
expense of the warehouse, which had been for some years with- 

In 1796, the freedom was conferred on Mr. John Orr, of Mer- 
chant's Quay, in testimony of his establishing the muslin manu- 
facture in this kingdom. 

On October 1, 1800, a committee was appointed to consider 
and enquire from the Chancellor of the Exchequer as to the new 
regulations, on the duties on silk and other manufactures to be 
imported into this kingdom after January 1, 1801. In 1803, a 
resolution was passed by the Guild that the admission of East 
India silk handkerchiefs under any duty would be highly injurious 
to the silk manufacturers of this kingdom, and steps were taken 
to have the consolidation bill dealing therewith, then before Par- 
liament, opposed by the city and county members of Parliament. 

In 1805, the wages of the silk winders and ribbon weavers were 
regulated by the Guild. 

Weavers and Eiding the Franchises. 

Every three years the Lord Mayor sent a summons to each 
Guild to ride the franchises early in August. Elaborate prepara- 
tions were made for that function, and considerable expense in- 
curred. We have from time to time particulars of the expenditure 
on these occasions given in the Masters' accounts, and a few items 
below, taken from the accounts in 1703, are a good specimen of the 
cost. Towards the expense each brother who had become free 
during the preceding three years had to contribute ten shillings, 
and was fined ten shillings for non-attendance. The brethren were 
summoned to attend with " complete arms and furniture " at 8 
o'clock in the morning, under a penalty of 5s. 5d. 





Paid Mr. Sinclair for his sermon 



Ten yards of blue cloth @ 7s. 6d. per yard • - 



5J yards of orange coloured cloth and serge for 

lining - 



12| ounces of lace for the Beadle's cloak 



6| ounces of lace for the younger Beadle's cloak 




Making 2 cloaks ----- 


Two Hats for Beadles - - - 


3J oz. lace for hats - 



2 buttons and loops for the hats - 



4 pairs of shoes for the Beadles - 


2f yards of cloth for the drummers' coats 



To the three drummers - - - - 




£ s. a. 

Lining, trimming and making the coat - 12 

Painting the truncheons - - - - 5 6 

Embroidering 3 drummers' coats - 14 6 

Five pairs of stockings for drummers and beadles 7 1 
Printing the summons for marching out - 6 8 

Mr. Bently, officer at Mace - - 5 5 

A dinner on marching out - - - 28 

The accounts in other years show disbursements not included 
in the above. 

£ s. d. 

two trumpeters - - - - - ' 5 15 6 

spent on them - - - - - 6 6 

for grass - - - - - 1 6 

paid at Blackrock for neats tongues and beer 110 
Clontarf - - - - - 3 2. 

beadle's horse - - - - - 5 

beer, ale and brandy - - - - 3120 

6 horses at hay and grooms' meat and drink - 7 9 
standard bearer - - - - 10 

gave the maid - - - - - 4 9 

The numbers engaged in the Weavers' part of the procession 
may be proved from the entry in 1698. " Paid Mr. Christian for 
82 men's diets and 32 servants, with a barrell of beer — 
£9 lis. 6d. " In that year the expenses of riding the franchises 
amounted to £54 10s. 9d. 

In 1743, the Master-had recently died and a memorial was pre- 
sented to the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs and Commons of the city asking 
that the Guild be exempted from riding the franchises, fixed for a 
few days later. 

The corporation of the city, in 1743, passed a resolution that 
any Guild should be liable to a fine of £30 for not perambulating 
the city franchises through the whole circuit, and in addition the 
number of representatives of such Guild should be reduced to one. 
A broad-side, dealing with the riding of the franchises, printed in 
Dublin in 1761, is given in Volume 11, p. 496, of the Calendar of 
Ancient Records of Dublin : the following extract deals with our 
Guild. 1 

" Order and procession of the journeymen wool-combers and 

Quick fly my Muse : once more I claim your aid 
To sing the order of the combing trade ; 

1 Calendar of Ancient Records of Dublin. Vol. X, p. 31; Vol. XI, pp. 
30, 221. 



Kind Heaven permit the day to prove serene, 

Like spangling gold let Eastern Packs be seen. 

First come the men clothed all in skins of hair, 

To show what savage nature first did wear; 

Next mo\/es along a Captain of the trade 

Whose beauteous sash of crimson wool is made; 

Then comes a carriage with an azure field 

Where lambs are fed; the same's with wonder filled. 

There you behold the combers work right well 

With a fair Damsel spinning at her wheel. 

Next comes a Grecian officer so grave, 

A sash and feather of the wool we have, 

Triumphant. Next behold the Golden Fleece 

Which Jason brought from Colchis out of Greece. 

Next J ason you behold returning home : 

His guards attend him with the prize he won. 

Then come two officers in rich attire, 

Also a verger tending on the choir. 

Then follows a grave and sober Priest, 

Arid then the choirs who in white are dressed. 

Two pages on a crimson cushion bear 

The Book and Golden Mitre, and four wear 

The proper dresses as all pages do. 

The Bishop's gentlemen come next in view. 

Two pages more lead on old Bishop Blaze, 

On horseback mounted, grave as e'er you please. 

Four pages more behind the horse they place, 

Then come two officers in martial dress. 

Four men with combs, and each the combs are full 

With different colours of the finest wool. 

The journeymen are next in order great 

With woollen wigs and sashes most complete. 

Two officers now end the whole procession 

Of Combers bright, men filled with high discretion." 

At page 487 of the same volume the colours of our Guild are 
given as orange and blue. At page 491 in the same volume there 
appears a Poem on the Procession of the Guilds in 1767, " Dublin, 
Printed by B. Corcoran on the Inns Quay near the cloister, where 
may be had all sorts of Ballads and Chapman's books." 

The weavers next in order proudly ride, 
Who with great skill the nimble shuttle guide ; 
Pity such art should meet such small reward. 
But what art now-a-days does meet regard? " 


Weavers and their Charities. 

In the minutes of the Quarterly Meetings of the Guild there 
are frequent notices of payments to poor members and their 
widows; also cf contributions to the cost of burials. 

About the year 1767 an almshouse for reduced brethren was 
erected on one side of the Hall, and probably about the same time 
a schoolhouse on the other side, for the education and clothing of 
the children of poor artisan weavers, without distinction of religion. 

On a large and almost illegible board in the Hall there are given 
the names of the Donors of the £844 2s. Od. received for the 
building and finishing of the almshouse, which cost £809 17s. Od. ; 
the balance, with other contributions also inscribed on the board, 
was applied for the support of the poor brethren in the almshouse. 
The list of donors to the latter fund closes in 1775. In 1769 
William Gleadowe (who appears from the list on the board to have 
given £14 to the latter fund) was granted the freedom of the Guild 
for his services to the almshouse ; and in 1772 one John Litchfield, 
of Cork, was similarly honoured for his support of the Charities of 
the Guild. 

The Weavers' Charity School was, in 1782, by order of the Cor- 
poration, exempted from the payment of Pipe Water Rate. 1 

In 1792, a Committee, which had been appointed to superin- 
tend the almshouse and the school, made a long report. They 
pointed out that the funds were not sufficient for the support of 
both charities, and suggested that the almshouse should be con- 
tinued; and they stated that the receipts for the support of these 
charities were made up of the proceeds of lotteries, including un- 
claimed prizes, £4,473; interest, £65 6s. Od. ; benefits from Parker 
and Jones, horse riders, and two plays, £2,472; legacies and sub- 
scriptions, £120; sundries sold, £43. 

The school was not immediately closed, and in 1796 the com- 
mittee were instructed to apply to the Most Rev. Doctor Troy, 
with information as to the number of Catholic children supported 
by the school, pointing out the distressed state of the fund, and 
requesting him to order a charity sermon to be preached in some of 
the chapels in its support. In the same year a vote of thanks was 
passed to Mr. Andrew Madden for a donation of potatoes and meat 
for the almshouse. Finally, in 1800 the almshouse was let on- 
lease, the rent to be for the benefit of the poor brethren. 

The school continued, and in 1802 the freedom of the Guild 
was conferred on the Rev. William Cotton for his very great 

4 Calendar of Ancient Records of Dublin. Vol. XIII, p. 229. 



attention paid to the morals of the children in the school by fre- 
quently catechising and instructing them. 

The last reference in the books of the almshouse is in April 1, 
1809, when £340 17s. 5d. Government 3| Debentures were pur- 
chased at 75 for the use of the poor brethren in the almshouse. 

Weavers and the Common Council. 
Before the Municipal Corporations Act the Corporation of Dublin 
consisted of the Lord Mayor, 2 sheriffs, 24 aldermen, a varying 
number of sheriffs' peers not exceeding 48, and 96 representatives 
of the 25 Guilds, three of whom were representatives of the 
Weavers' Guild — this was the number at the time of the new rules 
of 1692. 

Up to 33 George II, chapter 16 (Ir.), each Guild presented to 
the Lord Mayor the names of double the numbers of places to be 
filled, and he, in the presence of a sheriff and 8 aldermen, elected 
half as Common Council men. 

By that statute the power of election by the Lord Mayor was 
taken away, and the Guilds elected their own representatives. 
The Guild elected every three years three members of the Common 
Council. Apart from the ballot sheets for the election of members 
of the Common Council there are few references in the books to the 
proceedings of that Council. 

Within the limits of this paper it is not possible to enter into 
the particulars of the controversy which raged between the alder- 
men and commons from 1742 to 1749, in which Charles Lucas, 
M.D. 1 (whose statue is in the City Hall), and James Digges 
La Touche took such a prominent part. An interesting resume of 
it is given in Sir Frederick Falkiner's Foundation of the Hospital 
of King Charles II. 

Weavers and Public Affairs. 
The first reference to the Weavers taking part in public affairs is 
in 1691, when the Master was authorised to expend £10 towards 
a treat ordered by the Lord Mayor to entertain General Ginckle. 
In 1707 the Master spent 5s. on a printed notice directing the 
brethren to have their arms in order, if the Pretender landed. 

In 1755 the Master and Wardens were directed to meet the 
Masters and W T ardens of the several corporations of the city, to 
consult for the benefit of the poor, in order to apply to Parliament 
to reduce the allowance lately granted to the bakers of the city. 
In 1757 a committee was appointed to consider an application 

1 He was granted the freedom of the Guild on 11 July, 1749. 


to be made to Parliament to encourage the bringing of Irish coal to 
the city. 

On January 1, 1760, an address from the Guild was prepared 
to be presented to the Duke of Bedford, congratulating him on the 
success of the King's armies both by sea and land in the four quar- 
ters of the globe, especially the late glorious success of Sir Edward 
Hawke off the Coast of France, which had preserved the kingdom 
from the calamity of war ; and also expressive of their concern on 
account of the late disturbances in the city, occasioned by the 
assembly of a most dangerous and riotous mob in College Green, 
and the indignities offered by them to many worthy members of 
Parliament ; and assuring His Excellency that, notwithstanding 
many artful insinuations to the contrary, neither they nor any of 
their servants or dependents, nor the inhabitants of Lord Meath's 
Liberties, to their knowledge, had the least share in the outrage. 
The drum beaten on the 3rd of December last, through part of the 
Liberty was dispatched from some quarter of the city, and, on the 
strictest enquiry, the person who beat thereon was quite unknown 
to the inhabitants of the Liberty. 

On 13 May, 1761, a vote of thanks to their late worthy repre- 
sentative in Parliament, Col. James Dunn, was passed, for his 
atttachment to the Crown and zealous conduct in Parliament, and 
particularly for his cheerfully concurring in the request of the free 
electors by resigning the poll as a candidate at the last election 
for members for the city, to prevent the intention of the electors 
being defeated in the choice of one of the popular candidates. 

The question of the erection of a new bridge eastward of Essex 
Bridge having become acute, a petition to the House of Commons 
against it, was prepared on November 17, 1761, on the ground that 
the bridge would interfere with manufactures, as the petitioners 
used great quantities of coal and other materials in them ; the price 
of coal, materials and many necessaries of life must rise in the case 
of inhabitants of the west side of the city, if the ships cannot come 
to unload at their usual stations, the price of carriage would be 
increased, and the cost of manufactures enhanced. The petition 
further set out that many of the petitioners had taken long leases, 
and laid out great sums of money in erecting buildings for living 
in and work houses for their trade. 

In April, 1762, an address was voted to James Grattan, 
Recorder, and Charles Lucas, M.D., members for the city, 
acknowledging their action in Parliament, especially in promoting 
a Bill to limit the duration of Parliament. 

In 1774, the freedom of the Guild was conferred on George 
Ogle, M.P. for Co. Wexford, in recognition of his opposition to the 
removal of the Custom House eastward of Temple Lane. 



In 1774, the freedom of the Guild was conferred on Eichard 
Evans, Esq., the engineer of the Grand Canal, for the very rapid 
manner in which he was executing this great national object, from 
the completion of which many important advantages must arise 
to agriculture, trade and manufactures. 

In 1789, the Guild commenced to take an active part in the 
selection of Parliamentary candidates, and appointed a committee 
to meet committees of the other Guilds to consult about proper 
candidates : in February, 1790, they expressed their disapproval of 
the election address of Nathaniel Warren, and joined 23 of the 
other 24 Guilds of the city in asking the Eight Hon. Henry Grattan 
and Lord Henry Fitzgerald to stand as candidates, pledging them- 
selves to support them without any expense to them on the Guild's 
account : later in the same year a resolution refers to the many 
riots in the manufacturing parts of the city and county, productive 
of much bloodshed, and calls upon the magistrates to restore order. 

On January 1, 1791, an address was passed to be presented 
to Parliament by Lord Henry Fitzgerald and Henry Grattan, 
setting out that the petitioners had beheld with concern 
for some years the unprotected state of their persons and proper- 
ties, both of which had become exceedingly precarious by want of 
a. well-regulated guard : that they, in common with their fellov 
citizens, had long groaned under heavy and oppressive taxes for 
the support of a police which experience had proved totally in- 
adequate to the protection of those who paid them : that the recent 
burglaries and robberies committed in the capital, even in the 
vicinity of their guard houses, is a proof of the assertion, and that 
the money raised for this institution had been misapplied could 
not be doubted, when every man acknowledged that a well-regu- 
lated watch under the control of the inhabitants might be main- 
tained at less than one -half of the expense of the present establish- 
ment, and would afford ample protection to the city; and they 
asked for a repeal of the police laws and for peace and security by 
the appointment of a watch. 

In 1791, a vote of thanks was passed to the Eight Hon. David 
La Touche for his efforts in promoting sobriety, morality and in- 
dustry in the lower orders of the people. 

In July, 1798, the Guild agreed to support the Eight Hon. 
George Ogle as candidate for Parliament in the place of Lord 
Kilwarden, again without any expense on their account. 

Weavers and their Freedoms. 
The names of several persons of standing — not being weavers — 
which were inserted in the Charter of 1688 have been already 


In the second half of the eighteenth century the honorary 
freedom of the Guild was conferred upon a number of distinguished 
persons, on account of their position in the State, their services in 
Parliament, or their support of the trade and manufactures of the 

In some cases the certificate of freedom was placed in a gold 
box, as in the cases of the Eight Hon. John Ponsonby, the Speaker, 
in 1760; the Earl of Northumberland, Lord Lieutenant, in 1704; 
the Marquis of Kildare in 1768; and the Earl of Harcourt, Lord 
Lieutenant, in 1773. In the case of twenty-one others, the 
certificate was in a silver box, as in the cases of the Eight 
Hon. Benjamin Burton, Thomas Le Hunte, the Eev. Ben- 
jamin Barrington, D.D.; the Earl of Arran and Eobert 
Patrick, all in 1766; Charles Domvile, in 1768; the Eev. David 
Letablere, D.D., in 1769; Thomas St. George, Doctor William 
Clements, M.P., and Alderman George Faulkner, in 1772; George 
Morris, M.P., and Eobert Leigh, in 1773; Benjamin Chapman, 
M.P., in 1774; Sir Samuel Bradstreet, Bart., in 1776; Lady 
Arabella. Denny in 1777; John Dillon, Co. Meath, in 1783; the 
Eight Hon. John Foster, the Speaker, in 1793; the Earl of Car- 
hampton in 1797; Francis Hamilton in 1804, and Alderman Eichard 
Smith in 1824. 

Two ladies received the honorary freedom — Her Excellency 
the Countess Camden in 1796, and Mrs. John Claudius Beresford 
in 1802, each in a gold shuttle. 

I have given the particulars of the above in order that persons 
interested in the history of these boxes and shuttles may know of 
their having been presented. 

In our National Museum may be seen a shuttle of Irish oak, 
ornamented with gold, which was presented to John Foster in 
1804, with an address. 

There were three classes of freemen: — (1) Freemen of the city 
at large, but not of a Guild; (2) Freemen of a Guild; (3) Freemen 
of both. There were considerable numbers of the first and second 
classes ; only a few of the third. 

There were five species of qualification for becoming free 
of a Guild: — (1) Honoris Causa; (2) by Grace Especial; (3) by 
birth (including grandchildren); (4) by service; and (5) by marriage. 

Weavers and their Apprentices. 

It will have been remembered as above stated that the Guild 
was given extensive powers over their apprentices. 

Before referring to the notices of the dealings with them which 
appear in their records it may not be out of place to record here 



a notice which appears in the Calendar of Ancient Records of 
Dublin, under the year 1605, showing the rules which were laid 
down regarding all apprentices. A complaint was made that a vice 
of wearing long hair fashioned like " ruffins " had sprung up 
among the apprentices of the city, and it was ordered that the 
Masters of the Guild should call before them their brethren and 
give notice to reform the vice of long hair and other fashions which 
many of the apprentices used in their apparel or otherwise ; and if 
the master of the apprentice failed to do so, he was to forfeit to 
his company 20s. ; if the Master of the company failed to give 
notice he was to forfeit to the city 20s. If within one month after 
the publication of this law any apprentice should be found to wear 
locks or long hair, it should be lawful for the Master of the Com- 
pany to carry the apprentice to their hall* and there to see him 
reformed, and after to have him whipped by two porters disguised. 
There is no reference in the records to this punishment having been 

In 1691, it appeared that several persons following the weaving 
trade in Dublin and not free of the Guild, but foreigners, had each 
taken two apprentices at one time, and that for less than seven 
years, whereby the apprentices coming out of their terms in great 
numbers worked under specified rates and impoverished the trade, 
to the great prejudice of such as served the full time, and a great 
encroachment on the liberties of the freemen. The above 
foreigners, working journeymen, agreed everyone for himself, not 
to take for the future more than one apprentice until he be within 
one year of his time ; then to take another to fit him to work at the 
trade when the present apprentice should be out of his time; and 
those who were masters similarly undertook only to employ two. 
No apprentice to be taken under the age of 17. There follow 98 
signatures, and the names of the owners of 231 looms. 

On November 3, 1742, several journeymen weavers, who had 
unlawfully assembled to prevent those in the trade taking appren- 
tices, and who had threatened several persons who refused to join 
them, were ordered to be prosecuted. 

On July 1, 1751, it was reported that several masters and 
undertakers not free of the Guild, and who followed the weaving 
trade for private advantage, took a greater number of apprentices 
than they were able to instruct, and frequently for less than seven 
years, antedated the indentures, and discharged the apprentices 
before the seven years, by which the number of journeymen 
was greatly increased, and the goods were unmarketable. It 
was ordered that the Charter should be observed. It was 
also noted that great numbers of the working bands had quitted 


the kingdom, and it was apprehended that many more would 
follow; and it was resolved that in order to encourage persons to 
bind themselves to the Broad Weaving and Scribbling, commonly 
called Stock carders, new apprentices should attend and be en- 

On July 1, 1760, it was resolved that the taking of a number 
of apprentices would promote the trade and tend to put a stop to 
future combinations. The next year apprentices were taken out 
of the Charter School on the Strand. 

Masters and Wardens of the Weavers' Guild. 





William Tyve 

Roger Feypoe 
Thomas Phillipp 


John Walker 

Abraham Whittle 


Jeremiah Udell 

William Barber 
John Smurphit 


Bethal Dovar 

Leonard Bracknock 
William Thorp 


Nicholas Taylor 

John Walker 
John Burcham 


Daniel Faulkner 

Leonard Staynor 
Isaac Healme 


Mathew Kena 

Richard Norton 
William Pallin 

1 P OA 


John Burcham 

Charles Mitchell 
Andrew Doddridge 


Isaac Healme 

Daniel Mills 
Jonathan Atkinson 


Leonard Staynor 

John Southwell 
John Leonard 


Thomas Mitchell 

Anthony Spence 
James Ellinworth 


Thomas Walker 

John Dovar 
John Hayes 


Daniel Mills 

Richard Faulkner 
William Wise 


Anthony Spence 

Moses Markham 
Thomas Whitlock 


George Spence 

Nathan Eastwood 
John Peacock 


Thomas Whitlock 

Miniard Lynn 
John Smurphitt 






Anthony Sharp 

William Craghall 
Lawrence Eustace 


TjQWVfiTlPO TT, n Q i", Q a 

j-j d> w i choc j_u uia ucU^c 

HCiil V XVi-dOUIJ 

Dominick Eield 


ri.AnriQvrl TTallrinQr" 

J-VHullaL U JL dilii.liJ.Ci 

UUIU JLtUdvio 

Henry Salmon 


Moses Markham 

Lott Roads 
George Medcalfe 

jLti^iidi u. j. diii-ii-ici 

TnoryiQG 1 ii T,T,r\ yi 
J-llUXlldo J-JlutUil 

Thomas Leland 


Annvfiw Tlnrlrnrl era 

UcUlgc IVlcLlCclllt/ 

James Leathly 

1-iCWlb XJ (XL (J VV c 

Isaac Sale 


NfltllflTiip] Acifwonrl 

•TflTDPC! TiP9i"iill"V 
'j ci'iiico ucaini y 

AA/iIIiqyyi \? Q wol 1 
VV llllctiil X cuIXtJIJL 

IYTq 1". n C±\KT TCono 
J-VXct UllO VV JA-Cilcl 

VV lllldXIl Kjd.lL 

Francis Lattore 


Gpor^p Dnxhprrv 

.TnTm StiOtIp 
Benjamin Taylor 


Aid. Francis Hoyle 

Israel Mitchell 

Mathew Breathridgj 


VV lllldHi vv VCO 

John IVTotti^ 
Christopher Litton 


J-Sraei iviiTjciieii 

VV llllcllll JZJd-LOIl 

Anthony Waters 

1 fKQQ 

Francis Lattore. 

d OSepil SXiillcb 

Joseph Gunson 

1 700 
J. <UU 

XjUOiiy vv ins 

John Markham 

1 /Ul 

William Earrell 

in aDHciniei o ames 
William Fisher 


James Leathley 

Daniel Bond 
John Mace 

1 703 

v^apidiii d Ollll opuntj 

"R.nliPVi", TjpficiIpv 

1 lUUCI L JJCuolC V 

Nathaniel Elliston 



jnoueiLi ijedoitiy 

TnVin RfiflT*?* 

O Ullll Ulaii • 

1 <U0 

Isaac Sale 

Edward W^lks 
Brine Armstrong 


Nathaniel James 

William Pierce 
Thomas How- 


Joseph Kean 

John Healin 

Thomas Thompson 





Lewis Leroux 

William Fisher 
Samuel Breathwaite 


Eobert Cheatham 

Kidder Vincent 
Henry M^artm 


Daniel Bond 

John Lord 
Edward Williams 


Isaac Serle 

Ebenezer Shaekleton 

1 71 9 


Xiiciidirci odiiney 
Eobert Ellis 

1 "71 Q 

Jacob Poole 

Eichard Ward 
Eobert Sotherwaite 

1 71 A. 

jLUBiiezei oiidCKieijon 

Henry Borsham 
John Sharpe 

1 71 ^ 

j oiiii xiuiiijer 
Thomas Dalton 

1 71 R 

J. i JLU 

ivj-iciiciei vv eisn 

o oiiii oijeeie 
Valentine Prendergast 

1 71 7 

± noiiidrS ± ei ry 

lviatinew vv es o 
Stephen Slygh 

1 71 Q 

Charles Aughmuty 

Jonn HesKetn 
John Lynch 


JN atnamel Trimbale 

Til J TT7 1 

Edward Wale 
Henry Sheppard 

-i nc~\r\ 


1 nomas Dalton 

TTT'll* "TT7 1 J "1 

William Woodwortn 
Henry Martin 


Henry Sheppard 

Mathew Daniel 
Joseph Beymer 


Edward Wade 

William Ellis 
Joseph Dennison 


Eobert Undercott 

Gidion Hume. 
John Johnson 


Joseph "White 

Thomas Hoggart 
William Wales 


John Byrn 

Thomas Mayson 
John Meares 


Matthew Daniel 

John Mayson 

John Lord 

Eobert Baxter 


Eichard White 

John Squire 
Isaac Dezouch 


Gideon Hume 

Thomas Challoner 
Mathew Byrn 


Edward Houghton 

Thomas Bond 
James McConnell 



-L C Ctrl . 

XVXClo UCi • 

\A/ Q Yf\ PTI a 


Samuel Maculla 

John Taylor 
ivlicnael ±5oot 


Samuel Hutchinson 

Isaac Gladwell 

Will. IVItJClCdll 



Wm. Edbrook 
Charles Lewis 


William Bradford 

John Wood 
William Willan 


Thomas Styles 

Francis Sloy 
Henry Thompson 


William Andrews 

Eobert Unthank 
John Keating 


Henry Eainsford 

Joseph Dowker 
John Woodman 


James McConnel 

Samuel Callbeck 
Patrick Linegar 


Alexander Eiky 

Eichard Whelling 
William Beasley 


William Bagwell 

John English 
Samuel Eussell 

Samuel Callbeck 

William Goggin 
George Baker 



Thomas King 
Gilbert Jertrey 

1 HA O 


Joseph Dowker 

Eobert Thompson 
Abraham Clibborn 

1 HA O 


William Goggin 

John Coyne 

Samuel Clibborn 

Eichard Biddulph 

11 A A 

George Bryan 

Samuel Baker 
Thomas Goulbee 


James Digges La 

Thomas Andrews 


Francis Gladwell . 

i h a n 





William Whelling 

George Thwaits 
Benjamin Litton 


William Litton 

William Gibbons 
John Carleton 

1 7/1 Q 

James Cartland 

J ohn ^Varren 
Thomas Styles 


George Thwaites 

Edward Houghton 
Epaphroditus Doddridge 
Christopher Andrews 


John Warren 

Joseph Webster 
Eobert Eiky 






John Hunter 

Richard Brett 

Francis Gladwell 

John Daly 


Joseph Webster 

Joseph Hone 
George Allen 


Epa. Doddridge 

James Plant 
Samuel Collins 


Robert Adam 

Edward Tonge 
James Sibley 
Roger Hendrick 


George Allen 

Thomas Simmons 
Thomas Hill 


James Plant 

John Downs 
John Watson 



James Taafre 
John Downes 


George Classon 


Thomas Styles 

John Lartigue 
James Saires 


Thomas Emerson 

Francis Ozier 
Jonathan Alcock 


Do . 

John Collins 
John Daniel 


John Lartigue 

John Gall 

William Worthington 


John Daniel 

John Armstrong 
Thomas Billing 



Joseph Andrews 
Thomas Burnett 


John Collins 

William Sinnett 
Thomas Allen 


William Worthington John Wiseheart 

John Collins 

William Lynch 


Robert Riky 

Josiah Pasley 
James Deane 



Josiah Pasley 
Jonathan Pasley 



George Warne 
Mathew Yeats 



Michael Brown 
George Fuller 


John Wiseheart 

William Anneslee 
J ohn Hardy 



Joseph Webster 
John Huggins 



Year. Master. 

1774 George Fuller 

1775 Do. 

1776 Michael Brown 

1777 Do. 

1778 William Arnold 

1779 Montiford Green 

1780 Do. 

1781 Henry Williams 

1782 ' Do. 

1783 William Sinnott 

1784 Do. 

1785 Josias Pasley 

1786 Do. 

1787 Thomas Angier 

1788 John Talbot 

1789 Do. 

1790 Charles Bourne 

1791 John Costley 

1792 Michael Brown 

1793 William Doolittle 

1794 William Evans 

1795 Do. 

Wardens , 
John Hudson 
Thomas Bible 
William Arnold 
Henry Williams 
Michael Allen 
Morgan Maguire 
Benjamin Brown 
Thomas Smith 
Thomas Angier 
Philip Prossor 
Thomas Angier 
John Costly 
Eichard Atkinson 
Francis Saul 
Henry Fisher 
William Williams 
Joshua Pirn 
Michael Brown 
John Abbott 
John Eidley 
Isaac Simmons 
William Matthews 
John Talbot 
William Porter 
Patrick Burke 
William Doolittle 
John Fowler 
John Gray 
William Knott 
Charles Clarke 
John Collins 
John Townsend Sinnett 
William Gibton 
William Thompson 
Nathaniel Cartland 
William Evans 
Joshua Lacy 
John Bible 
John Milliker? 
J ohn Ward 
Thomas Abbott 
John Vickers 
William Andrews 
William Williams 


Year. Master. 

1796 John Gray 

1797 John Milliken 

1798 Do. 

1799 Thomas Abbott 

1800 John T. Sinnett 

1801 George Browne 

1802 Do. 

1803 Benjamin Flint 

1804 Do. 

1805 Do. 

1806 Frederick George 


1807 Do. 

1808 Eobert Atkinson 

1809 Do. 

1810 Do. 

1811 James Greenham 

1812 Do 

1813 Josphia Lacy 

1814 William Atkinson 

1815 Paul Minnitt 

1816 Thomas Smith 
Thomas Bible 

Thomas Abbott 
Thomas Bible 
William Fry 
Eobert Williams 
George Wilkinson 
Eph. Andrews 
George Aungier 
George Brown 
George Paine 
Benjamin Flint 
Samuel Eiky 
Thomas Smith 
William Atkinson 
Benjamin Flint 
William Beddy 
James Greenham 
William Atkinson 
Frederick George Bournes 
Frederick George Bournes 
Samuel Sisson White 
Henry Doolittle 

Henry Doolittle 
Thomas Locke 
John Eidley 
Eobert Williams 
Thomas Atkinson 
Henry Strahan 
Henry Strahan 
Henry Williams 
Paul Minnitt 
William Abbott 
Samuel Warren 
nenry Jones 
Thomas Eyan 
Joshua Pasley 
John Scott 
William Brownlow 
Benjamin Fitzpatrick 
Thomas B. Smithson 
Theophilus Norton 
William Cotton 







Eobert Williams 

Samuel Taylor 

James E. Eussell 


Samuel Warren 

Joseph Jackson 

William Osborne 


William Abbott 

Joseph William Evans 

George Hickson 


Thomas B. Smithson William Harris 

Samuel B. Talbot 





Samuel Taylor 

Sir George Whitford, Knt. 

Samuel Jackson 


William Brownlow 

John Smith 

Michael Lacy 


Sir Geo. Whitford, 

William Eichey 


William S. Abbott 


Joshua Pasley 

William Abbott 

William Sinton 


John Smith 

David Lindsay 

Joshua St. Claire Mayne 


Henry Williams 

Joshua Sisson 

William Dunne 


Michael B. Lacy 

William Browne 

Samuel Abbott 


Jonathan Deverell 

Valentine Dunne 

William Evans 


Joshua St. Clare 

Hugh Tassie 


Eobert Pasley 


Joseph Jackson 

Benjamin Singleton 

William Jonathan Deverell 


Hugh Tassie 

J. J. Dunn 

Thomas Jackson 



Simon Irwin 

James Barnier 


David Lindsay 

John Judge 

Michael Broone 


William Browne 

Michael Browne Kirwan 

Joseph Long 


James Barnier 

Joseph Harris 

John Talbot Ashenhurst 


J. W. Talbot 

John M. Bournes 


Joseph Long 

Joseph A. Morgan 


Valentine Dunn 

Eobert Buchanan 

George Irwin 


Signs of Dublin Houses and Taverns Mentioned. 

Black Bull 

Black Swan 

Blue Posts 

Bunch of Grapes 

Cock, Werburgh Street 

Coffee House 

Dial, Skinner's Row 





Garter (1695) 

George, Meath Street 

George, Thomas Street 

Globe, Meath Street 

Half-Moon, Ship Street 

King's Arms 

King's Head, Copper Alley 
Lion, Coombe 


London Stone 






Rose and Crown, Ash Street 

Sugar Loaf, Francis Street 

Talbot Inn, Thomas Street 
Thatched Tavern (1709) 
Three Nags' Heads 
Three Tuns 
White Lion 
Whittington's Cat 
Yorkshire Gray 

( 89 ) 

By Hubekt T. Knox, Fellow. 
[Read 30 April 1918] 

The Lough is now the head of the Eossclave Inlet, which runs 
between Eossclave and another similar ridge to the south, two of 
the long ridges lying generally in an east to west line, forming the 
eastern shore of Clew Bay and many other such inlets and small 
islands. The Lough was once an ordinary fresh water lake, cut off 
from the sea by a ridge which ran from the point where ' ' stones 

$£. Ma-rcari's Lou ok <zn<£ Tfuins j £o fflayo i 

are marked to the opposite shore even in historical times. The steady 
sinking of the land enabled the sea to wash away the dry land and 
run into the Lough, which even now shows its early condition as a 
lake by retaining water at low tide. 

Beginning from the west, we find the ruins of St Marcan's 
Church, of which only the fragment of the west wall, shown in 
Plate VI (201), remains to show the character of the masonry. The 
church was 15 feet long and 10 feet wide, lying about N.W. to S.E. 
The southern gable was almost washed at high water. The remains 
of the small projection from the northern gable no longer exist. The 
church is called Teampoll, and the field is called Tample Garden. 


About 50 yards S.E. of the church is the children's burial 
ground, in which there seem to be traces of a small church, which 
was probably built around a dolmen, as we find to have been 
probably the' case at the old church at Holywell, near Ballyhaunis. 
The first-described church seems to have been the successor of a 
semi-pagan church on the point. 

■Plate VI (202) shows in middle of the left foreground of this 
ruin a flat, white stone, called the Altar, which is venerated. It 
measures 5 feet by 4 feet by 2| feet. 

The sea seems to have washed away or submerged some object 
at the point, as the stones marked there are the object of venera- 
tion, or, rather, they mark a site which is venerated, as the first 
prayers are said while circling round one of these stones in the tide- 
way. These are insignificant, obscure stones, serving only as land- 
marks. It is near C in the Ordnance Survey Map. 

About 20 yards to the N.N.E. of the altar boulder, in the wash 
of the tide, is St Marcan's Well, enclosed by a common-place, rough 
stone fence. It is only a rift in which the water rises from below 
when the tide is in, and is dry at low water. It has a great reputa- 
tion as a cattle-cure. About 100 yards east of the Well, in the wash 
of the tide, a few stones mark the site of a crannoge, which is called 
St Marcan's Castle," as marked on the Ordnance Survey Map. 
Probably it ought to be " Cashel." The t in Castle is not usually 
sounded in this country. There may have been a cashel on the 
shore which has been carried off to build houses and walls. 

The earthwork on the ridge to the north is a small work of the 
common sepulchral type, only 37 feet in diameter. A low, wide 
ring encloses a garth which rises gently to the middle. 

This is a secluded, pretty place. The cottages along the shore 
have a good effect. A curious legend connects the church and well 
with Kilbride, a ruined church site about a mile away, close to and 
on the east side of the road from Westport to Newport. In St 
Bride's time it was probably near the brink of a small lake, now 
represented by a pond 400 yards away. 

These descriptions, and the legend, are all based on notes and 
information supplied to me by my colleague. 

St Marcan and St Brigid Quarrel 

This story agrees with what we find in the lives of Irish Saints 
of their readiness to curse each other for somewhat light reason. 
Here the reason was natural but slight, and the curses did not really 
amount to much. We can understand that Marcan, bound to fast 
until after the celebration, soon got impatient at being delayed in 

Plate VI.] 

[To face page 90. 

Close to Saint Marcan's Church, near Newport, Co. Mayo. (202) 



making his start for home and breakfast, for we are taught that a 
hungry man is an angry man. Thus the tempers of holy monk and 
holy nun were not at their best at that time. The story is told thus, 
as taken from the relation of a peasant : — 

One day when Marcan came to celebrate the Mass for Brigid 
and nuns, she said : Do not say Mass until I milk the cows and 
divide the milk. 

Marcan — All right. 

When Brigid had the cows milked and the milk divided (for her 
household), she found that the Mass was over. 

Brigid — Why did you not wait until the cows would be milked ? 

Marcan — I'll say Mass when I like. 

Brigid — That your house may be dhrownded. 

Marcan — There is a cure at my house for man and beast. 

Brigid — That any one who looks at my hill may not have the 
benefit of it. 

Marcan — That there may be a corpse at your hill every day. 
Brigid — It is starlings they will be. 

A starling is found dead every day at Kilbride graveyard. 
Marcan 's house has been probably washed away by the sea. Unless 
the house was then in danger it may have lasted until long after his 
time, but the curse would be fulfilled. In any case it was probably 
only a poor little hut. They seem to have countered each other very 

The only sufferers were the innocent starlings who had to pro- 
vide corpses, and those who had to pass along the road by Kilbride 
hill when they drove their cattle to the Well. They were accus- 
tomed to blindfold the cattle and cover their own heads so as not to 
see the hill. The conversation given above may omit some sen- 
tences, as it was not written down at once. 

Of course, this Brigid is not the great Abbess of Kildare. 

The name Marcan seems to mean Little Horseman. Marcach 
is Horseman, diminutive Marcan and Marcachan. The Marcauns 
now call themselves Ryder. Curiously enough, one lives near Kil- 
bride, but he is not a native, having come from the Mulranny 


Holy Well and "Pillar," Newgrove, and Carved Stones at 
Tulla Church, Co. Clare. — Despite knowledge of the existence of 
these remains for many years, circumstances kept me from visit- 
ing them till the end of August, 1916, in company with Kev. J. B. 
Greer, who 'has so often helped me in my field work round Tulla. 
The dedication of the well was unknown in 1839, but being on the 
edge of the Termon of St Mochulla's Church at Tulla it was 
possibly one of the wells of that saint. 1 

It is a small oval rock basin or bulldn, 22" x 18 /7 across and 

perhaps 13 r/ deep, without an apparent spring but said never to 
lack water. It was much filled with mud when I saw it. Over it 
had been made a carefully built oval well house, now nearly all 
broken down, and roughly rebuilt, with a lintelled door looking 
to the N.W. To either side of this are two rounded and polished 
granite stones, egg-shaped, and about 18" xl3 /r . Granite occurs 
not infrequently in the boulder clay of Co. Clare, probably ice 
borne from the Connemara district. I have noted blocks at Lis- 
mehane a few miles eastward, and (with a bulldn) in Clare Abbey 
near Ennis. The well has not lost all its repute, as certain modern 
offerings prove, viz., pins, pipe-stems, slate pencils, a farthing, a 
small image of the Virgin, an old Waterbury watch-case, a toy 
motor, buttons, hairpins, studs, and nails. The door is 30 /r high, 

1 See Journal supra Vol. XLI, pp. 5-19, list of wells, on p. 7. 

Plate VII.] 

[To face page 92. 




and an old enclosure, nearly levelled, adjoins to the S.E. The 
well stands at the top of a limestone knoll, or low plateau. 

The "pillar," or rather slab, is beside the boundary wall of 
Newgrove or Ballyslattery. It was certainly on the edge of the 
Termon of St Mochulla's Church, as denned in the " Black Book," 
a register of the place, dated about 1380, and last produced in the 
nefarious lawsuit against the rights of the Church by the Delahydes 
in 1627. 

It was evidently raised from the bed of the stream at the foot 
of the rising ground on whose summit it stands. The rough chert 
slab is I 1 to 6' 5" high, 8 ; wide below, N. and S., 6 7 wide on top, 
and 11 to 13 inches thick, leaning slightly towards the east, and 
among ash trees. 

I will only add illustrations of two fragments of the successive 
older churches of St Mochulla on Tulla Hill. One, hidden in weeds 
and coffin planks, lies in the very middle of the fifteenth century 
church, and is the sill of its two -light eastern window. Dozens of 
such features are found in the churches and castles of the period, 
about 1450-1480, during which such extensive rebuilding and 
repairs took place in Counties Limerick, Clare and Galway. The 
other block is built into the outer south face of the modern grave- 
yard wall, and is the capital of a window of the older church, about 
1180. Thomas J. Westropp. 

Merchant Tailors' Gild. — Beferring to my Paper on this Gild, 
in VoL XLVIII of the Journal, in which at p. 46, it is stated that 
most of the plate, moveables, &c, belonging to the Gild were 
hurriedly disposed of prior to the passing of the Corporation Eeform 
Act, I am much indebted to our member, Mr. William N. Allen, for 
the following advertisement, which appeared in Saunders' News 
Letter in November, 1842 : — V One day's sale of paintings, chiefly 
the property of a gentleman going abroad : also a few fine portraits 
by Vandyke, Sir P. Lely, &c, including William III, Charles II, 
George I, Dean Swift, and Sham a Bawn, the Benevolent Tailor 
of Milan; an ancient Missal, splendidly emblazoned on vellum; 
an ancient Bible and Prayer Book; two elaborately-wrought solid 
silver Tankards, with covers; and an antique Chimney Glass in 
carved frame, the property of the Trustees of the School and 
Charities established by the late Corporation of Tailors or Guild 
of St John the Baptist; the whole of which will be sold by auction 
in the Picture Gallery, No. 11 Up. Ormond Quay, on Monday next, 
the 21st Novr. inst. John Littledale, Auctioneer." 

As to the two silver tankards referred to at p. 51 n, Mr. Allen 
informs me that Sir E. Nugent was a member of the Board, and 


that Sir John Kingston James paid him by draft on the Bank, on 
13 June, 1842, £31 10s. 4d. for them. They were subsequently 
sold by auction, and either then or later they became the property 
of the Merchant Tailors' Company, London, as on June 24, 1843, 
the Secretary of the Gild reported that he had received from the 
Clerk of that body the sum of £41 12s. Od. for the tankards. 

H. F. Twiss. 

County Roscommon. — The Tuam Herald is doing a valuable 
service to local history. It is now publishing John 'Donovan's 
letters on the history and topography of the famous County of Eos- 
common. These letters are carefully edited, and most useful notes 
are given by one who evidently knows Roscommon well, and can, 
therefore, point out the changes that have occurred in families since 
O 'Donovan visited the county in 1837. 

E. J. Kelly, K.C. 


On Wednesday, 29 January, 1919, a Beception and Conversazione 
in connection with the Annual General Meeting was held in the 
Society's House, Dublin, and was largely attended by the Members 
and their friends. An interesting series of lantern views from 
scarce Irish engravings was shown by Mr. W. G. Strickland, 
Fellow, and a programme of Irish music, vocal and instrumental, 
arranged by Mrs. B. I. Best, was admirably rendered by Mrs. 
Best, Miss E. Alton, Miss D. Alton, Miss Nora Finn, Mr. M. J. 
O'Beilly and Mr. C. W. Wilson. 

Annual General Meeting. 

The Annual General Meeting of the 71st Yearly Session was 
held in the Society's House, Dublin, on Thursday, 30 January, 
1919, at 5 o'clock, p.m. 

Thomas Johnson Westropp. m.a., m.r.i.a., President, in the Chair. 
Also present : — 

Vice-Presidents: — William Cotter Stubbs, m.a., Herbert Wood, 

Fellows: — Sir William Fry, d.l., M. J. McEnery, m.r.i.a., 
Charles McNeill, Hon. Gen. Sec, D. Carolan Bushe, b.a., Nicholas 
J. Synnott, b.a., John F. Weldrick, H. Bantry White, m.a., Hon. 
Treasurer, Bobert Lloyd Woollcombe, m.a., ll.d. 

Members : — William Chamney, Mrs. McEnery, A. Moorhead, 
C. E. A. Boper-Fitzgerald, B. B. Sayers. 

The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. 

The following Fellow and Members were elected : — 


O'Connell, Philip,, n.u.i., 20 Mary Street, Clonmel: pro- 
posed by the Hon. Gen. Secretary. 


Barrett, William, 223 Stoney Lane, Sparkbrook, Birmingham: 

proposed by the Hon. Gen. Secretary. , 
Byrne, Mrs., 17 Merrion Square, Dublin: proposed by the 


Byrne, Bev. Edward J., c.c, b.a., 83 Marlborough Street, Dublin : 
proposed by Bev. F. Wall, Member. 



Conway, William M., 24 South Great George's Street, Dublin: 
proposed by A. Moorhead, Member. 

Dwane, David Thomas, Ash Hill Cottage, Kilmallock : proposed 
by the President. 

Eccles, Cuthbert, l.r.c.p. & s.i., Delgany, Co. Wicklow: proposed 
by G. D. Burtchaell, Fellow. 

Egan, Patrick Joseph, j.p., Clunagh House, Tullamore : proposed 
by the Hon. Gen. Secretary. 

FarreU, Rev. W. M., c.c, B.A., 48 Westland Row, Dublin: pro- 
posed by Rev. F. Wall, Member. 

Gamble, Charles, b.a., Killiney Lodge, Ballybrack, Co. Dublin: 
proposed by William C. Stubbs, Vice-President. 

Hibbert, Robert Francis, Woodpark, Scariff, Co. Clare : proposed 
by E. C. R. Armstrong, Fellow. 

Kehoe, Mrs. R. L., 8 Anglesea Road, Ballsbridge, DubUn : pro- 
posed by Mrs. H. Mooney, Member. 

Johnston, Baptist Leonard, Major, The Dominion Bank, Toronto, 
Canada: proposed by D. Carolan Rushe, Fellow. 

M'Cabe, Very Rev. Joseph Louis, o.c.c, The Priory, Aungier 
Street, Dublin : proposed by A. Hill Pollock, Member. 

O'Hare, Patrick J., m.b., Highfield, 7 Broompark Circus, Dennis 
toun, Glasgow: proposed by D. Carolan Rushe, Fellow. 

Stewart, Miss Florence Mary, The Cottage, Bryanstown, Co. 
Down: proposed by Captain J. E. FitzPatrick, Member. 

Young, George Wm., Mount Norris, Newcastle, Co. Down: pro- 
posed by Captain J. E. FitzPatrick, Member. 

And the following Associate Members were admitted to Cor- 
porate Membership: — 

Halpenny, M. J., l.r.c.p.i. 
Nichols, Miss Edith M. 
Nichols, Miss Muriel E.' 

Report of the Council for 1918. 

The continuance of war conditions restricted the activities of the 
Society during the year 1918 as previously. 

At the last Annual Meeting the Council refrained from bringing 
forward a scheme of local visits for the Session now passed, but it 
undertook to avail itself of such opportunity as should arise. In 
fulfilment of that undertaking a limited programme, extending over 
three days in Dublin and its neighbourhood, was arranged for the 
Summer Quarterly Meeting. Visits were made to the National 
Museum, the Royal Irish Academy, the Cathedrals of St Patrick 
and Christ Church, the ancient Church of St Audoen, the Public 
Record Office, and the Libraries of Trinity College, Archbishop 



Marsh, and the King's Inns. From the authorities in each case 
the Society received most courteous facilities ; and exceptional 
value was given to the inspection of these collections by descrip- 
ti\e lectures from masters of their respective subjects on the 
very important departments of archaeology they illustrate. The 
Council acknowledges with gratitude the Society's special obli- 
gations to Mr E. C. E. Armstrong, Keeper of the Irish Antiquities 
in the National Museum; Professor E. A. S. Macalister, Professor 
H. J. Lawlor, D.D.; the Very Eev. Dean White, Mr M. J. 
M'Enery, Deputy Keeper of the Eecords; Mr A. C. de Burgh, 
Assistant Librarian, Trinity College; Eev. N. J. White, D.D. Arch- 
bishop Marsh's Librarian, and Mr J. J. Carton, Librarian of the 
King's Inns, for their admirable expositions. A day was devoted 
to a portion of the district of Fingal, where the Castle of Dunsoghly, 
recently vested as a National Monument in the Commissioners of 
Public Works, was examined with particular interest under the 
guidance of Mr H. G. Leask. Dr F. Elrington Ball, with his 
accustomed zeal for the Society, had supplied the members with 
advance sheets of the forthcoming volume of his History of the 
County Dublin, containing an account of the parishes of St 
Margaret's and Finglas; the Ven. Archdeacon Lindsay, who re- 
ceived the members at St Doulagh's, very fully described that 
ancient building and its story, and Mr and Mrs W. Cotter Stubbs 
entertained the party most hospitably at Finglas. To each of these 
the Society is greatly indebted, as well as to others who were of 
much assistance on this occasion. 

The Council subsequently organised experimentally a number of 
visits on Saturday afternoons to antiquities within easy reach of 
Dublin. Howth, Celbridge, Tully, and Dalkey were visited in turn. 
From Commander Gaisford St Lawrence, Colonel E. Claude Cane, 
Mr G. W. Panter, and Sir J. E. O'Connell, who are all Fellows of 
the Society, the greatest help and attention was received, and the 
Council acknowledges with pleasure the generous hospitality shown 
on these occasions. The result of this experiment has manifested 
that visits of this character serve a useful purpose and are appre- 
ciated by the members. 

The ordinary meetings of the Society were duly held as arranged, 
and the following communications were received during the 
Session : — 

On the Antiquities and Traditions of Tirawley and Erris. The 

Celtic Gods. By The President. 
Ancient Churches of Fermanagh. By Lady Dorothy Lowbt- 

Corry, Member. 
Donnybrooh; its Past. By E. J. Kelly, k.c, Member. 


By H. Bantry White, i.s.o. 

St Mar can's Loch and R< 

C. R. Armstrong, Vice- 

An Old House at Donnybrook. 

Hon. Treasurer. 
Roads and Avenues of Cruachu Ai. 

By H. T. Knox, Fellow. 
On an Inscribed Shrine Arch. By E. 


The Churches of Coole, Co. Cork. A Remarkable Souterrain at 
Ventry. By Rev. Professor Power, Member. 

The Priory of St Wolstan, Celbridge. By Colonel R. Claude 
Cane, Fellow. 

Mural Decorations and Inscriptions at Knockmoy Abbey. Notes 
on Certain Pages in the Book of Kelts. By H. S. Crawford, 

There were nine ordinary and special meetings of the Council 
during 1918, at which the attendances were as follows: — 

T. J. Westropp, President 

Lord Walter FitzGerald, 

R. A. S. Macalister, Vice- 

William C. Stubbs, Vice- 

P. J. Lynch, Vice-Pres. 

E. C. R. Armstrong, Vice- 

EL F. Twiss, Vice-Pret 

Charles McNeill, Hon. 
Gen. Sec. 

H. Bantry White, Hon. 

Herbert Wood 

Nominations for the several offices to be filled by election at the- 
Annual General Meeting have been received as follows : — 
President : — 

Thomas Johnson Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a. 
Vice-Presidents : — 

Ulster — D. Carolan Rushe, b.a. 

Leinster — Herbert Wood, b.a., m.r.i.a. 

munster — g. d. burtchaell, m.a., ll.b., m.r.i.a. 

Connacht — Rt. Hon. Viscount Gough, k.c.v.o., d.l. 
Hon. General Secretary: — 

Charles McNeill. 
Hon. Treasurer: — 

H. Bantry White, i.s.o., m.a, 



. & 

T. G. H. Green 

. 5 


H. S. Crawford 

. 7 

R. J. Kelly 

. b- 


H. G. Lease 

. 6 

J. J. Buckley 

. 5 


S. A. 0. FitzPatrick 

. 1 


„ Sir William Fry 

. 7 


L. White King 

. 8 


A. Robinson 

. 7 

J. Cooke 

. 6 


Rt. Hon. M. F. Cox 

. 1 

Miss M. Dobbs 

. 3 


Mrs M. A. Hutton 



P. J. O'Reilly 




Members of Council : — 

E. C. E. Armstrong, Fellow, m.r.i.a. 
Col. E. Claude Cane, Fellow, j.p. 
J. P. Dalton, Fellow, m.a. 

Lord Walter FitzGerald, Fellow, m.r.i.a., j.p. 
M. J. McEnery, Fellow, b.a., m.r.i.a. 
N. J. Synnott, Fellow, b.a. 

As these nominations do not exceed the vacancies in the respec- 
tive offices, the candidates are to be declared elected. 

It is a source of much satisfaction to the Council to be in a posi- 
tion to point out that the accession of members during the past 
year has been greater than in any year since 1904, notwithstanding 
the adverse conditions of the present times, and this circumstance 
may be regarded as evidence that the work of the Society is publicly 
appreciated and that as conditions become more favourable it may 
confidently hope to extend its influence and its activities. 

The following changes in membership took place : — 

Eleven members were advanced to the rank of Fellow; four 
Fellows, two Hon. Fellows, and sixty-three members were elected; 
two Associate Members were admitted as Corporate Members, 
six Fellows, twelve Members, and seven Associate Members re- 
signed; nineteen names were removed under Eule 11, but may be 
restored on payment of the amounts due. 

The deaths recorded were twenty-nine ; and the Society has to 
regret the loss of some prominent and energetic members. 

Obituary Notices. 

Mr S. A. Ossory FitzPatrick was well known in the public life 
of Dublin. As Chief Clerk of the Intermediate Education Board 
for many years he gave distinguished service to that body and to 
the cause of education throughout Ireland. He became a Member 
of the Society in 1898, and Fellow in 1902, served for many years 
on the Council, and acted as Auditor of the Society's accounts. 
His wide experience of affairs, his sound and ripe judgment made 
him a very valued member of the Council, to which he was ever 
ready to render service when required. He was a well-known 
speaker in the cause of Temperance and Child Welfare, and was a 
member of the Dublin Diocesan and General Synods. So largely 
did he inspire these bodies with confidence in him, that he was 
appointed by the latter as one of the honorary secretaries to the 
Prayer Book Eevision Committee. An earnest Shaksperean 
student, he served on the Council of the Dublin Branch of the 
British Empire Shakspere Society. He was a fine English 


scholar and a keen collector of books. He was joint editor of 
Meiklejohn's History of English Literature, author of " Dublin " 
in Methuen's Series of Ancient Cities, and contributed largely to 
the Irish portion of Cass ell's Geographical Gazetteer, and was a re- 
viewer for a number of years in the columns of the Irish Times. 
His sterling character, his wide sympathies and his extreme gene- 
rosity in rendering service endeared him to a very wide circle of 

The Most Rev. John Healy, D.D., Archbishop of Tuam, died 
after a lingering illness in his seventy-seventh year at the Episcopal 
residence in Tuam on the 16th March. He was born in Ballinafad, 
in the County Sligo, in 1841. From his earliest years he was an 
ardent and enthusiastic student of Irish history and deeply inter- 
ested in local folk-lore and tradition. He was a distinguished 
student at Summerhill College, Athlone, and at Maynooth. After 
his ordination he returned to his native diocese and was successively 
curate at Elphin, Ballygar, and ClifToney. As he once said of him- 
self in a public address, he devoted the sparse income of a Catholic 
country curate to the purchase of books, and after the devotional 
and theological works necessary for his profession Irish historical 
works came next, and at his death he had as complete a collection 
of Irish historical works as it was possible for one in his position to 
acquire. These, by his will, he left to St Jarlath's College, Tuam. 
In the several curacies he worked in he visited and explored every 
historical spot and studied all accessible information, traditional 
and written, concerning it. His first great work, Irish Saints and 
Scholars — a full, impartial, and accurate account of the early ages 
of Christianity in this country, was published after his elevation 
to the See of Clonfert. His next great historical work was The 
History of Maynooth College, published on the occasion of the 
centenary of that College. After this came The Life of St Patrick. 
In addition to those works Dr Healy published countless booklets 
on antiquarian and historical subjects, such as An Account of 
Granua Wail and Clare Island, The Islands of Lough Mask, Irish 
Graves in Rome, &c. He was, for several years before he became 
a bishop, editor of the Irish Ecclesiastical Record, and scarcely a 
number appeared without an historical article from his prolific pen. 
When appointed Archbishop of Tuam he founded, in conjunction 
with the late Colonel Nolan, the present Lord Clonbrock, Mr 
Trench, Professor of English Literature at Galway, and now of 
Trinity, and Mr R. J. Kelly, K.C., the Galway Historical and Anti- 
quarian Society. No man did more in his day to encourage the 
study of Irish History and promote a taste for Irish antiquarian 
research. Every ecclesiastical ruin of any standing that found a 



place in our annals or in the life story of any of our countless 
scholars and saints whose holy lives he tells of in his Irish Saints 
and Scholars, every well, every liss and cahir of any prominence 
he visited — traversing miles in his journeyings and pilgrimages. 
He revived the famous pilgrimages to Croagh Patrick in order to 
keep alive the work and memory of the saint. 

Dr Healy was elected a Member of the Society in 1887, was 
advanced to Fellowship in 1890, and was for four separate terms 
Vice-President for the Province of Connacht. In 1904 he presided 
at the Connacht Summer Meeting and delivered an address which 
was printed in the Journal, Vol. XXXV, under the title " Two 
Eoyal Abbeys by the Western Lakes — Cong and Inismaine." 
His death is a great loss to Irish historical and antiquarian studies. 

William Francis de Vismes Kane, J. P., D.L., who was born on 
9 April 1840, died rather suddenly at his residence, Drumreaske 
House, County Monaghan, on 18 April 1918. The family claimed 
descent from the O'Cahans of Ulster. Mr Kane's more immediate 
ancestor, Joseph Kane, Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1725, was father 
of Nathaniel Kane, who, with David Digges La Touche, founded 
the banking house of Kane and La Touche. Mr Kane contributed 
" Notes on Leitrim Crannogs " in " Notes and Queries " of the 
Journal for 1885 (Vol. XVII, 407), " The Cattle Diseases called the 
Connogh and its Traditional Cure by Amulets and Charms " in 
1914 (Vol. XLIV, 143). He did not become a Member of the 
Society until 1909. He became a Member of the Eoyal Irish 
Academy in 1865, and recently read a paper on " The Black Pig's 
Dyke, the ancient boundary fortification of Uladh " (XXVII, 301), 
continuing the subject in Vol. XXXIII, 539. He also read a 
paper before the Academy on " The Dun of Drumsna, a frontier 
fortification between the Kingdoms of Aileagh and Cruaghan " 
(XXXII, 324). He had previously contributed Eeports on Irish 
Lepidoptera, and a new species of Lernaeopoda. 

William Hugh Patterson, M.E.I. A., of Garranard, Belfast, 
died on 5th February, 1918. He was the eldest son of the late 
Eobert Patterson, F.E.S., one of the seven young men who founded 
the Belfast Natural History Society in 1821. The latter was well 
known as a local naturalist, and his Zoology for Schools passed 
through many editions. William H. Patterson was born in 1835, 
and. educated at the Eoyal Academical Institution and Queen's 
College, Belfast. From an early age he was taken on his father's 
geological rambles around Belfast, gathering specimens, consist- 
ing of pieces of spar, fossils and flints. He attributed the founda- 
tion of his taste for collecting to this practice. In 1863 the Belfast' 


Naturalists Field Club was founded, of which he was an original 
member, and successively Secretary and President. In 1873 he 
was elected M.E.I. A., and read a paper on " Ancient Monumental 
Slabs," a subject on which he was recognised as an authority. For 
some years he was engaged on a Glossary of Words in the Counties 
of Antrim and Down (published by the English Dialect Society in 

He was elected Hon. Secretary of the Belfast Natural History 
and Philosophical Society in 1884, becoming its President the next 
year and giving his inaugural address on " The History and 
Legends of Some Irish Lakes." Like his father and his younger 
brother, Sir Robert L. Patterson, F.L.S., William H. was a keen 
natural history and antiquarian student. Many years ago he joined 
a little group of local antiquaries, including Canon Grainger, Rt. 
Hon. John Young, W. Gray, and J. R. Staples, in the study of 
primitive man and his early implements. William H. Patterson 
was a devoted lover of Art, and possessed some valuable portfolios 
of engravings and drawings. He was interested in practical etching, 
and himself executed about forty-five copper plates. An excellent 
bust of him was modelled by his niece, Miss Rosamond Praeger, 
some years ago. His wife's death in 1911 was a severe blow, but he 
continued to take an interest in local affairs of a charitable nature, 
notably the Royal Victoria Hospital, to the last. He was person- 
ally one of the kindest and most courteous of men, and has left a 
sad blank in his large circle of friends. He made the following con- 
tributions to the Journal: — " Worked Flints, Co. Down," 
"Ancient Sculptured Slabs, Saul, Co. Down," " Note on a 
General Index " (Vol. XXII); " Prehistoric Site at Ballykinler, 
Co. Down " (Vol. XXIII); " The Cronebane Halfpenny Tokens '* 
(Vol. XXXIII). 

Mr. Patterson was one of the oldest members of the Society, 
having been elected so far back as 1868. 

As local secretary for County of Down he was most helpful in 
assisting to plan the excursions of the Society. 

ted as follows : — 

The membership is now 851, distrib 
Honorary Fellows 
Life Fellows 
Life Members 

Associate Members 
The total receipts in 1918 were £689 9s. 2d 
£608 15s. lid. in 1917, and £666 16s. 8d. in 1916. 
revenue, including entrance fees and life compositions, amounted 




as against 



to £507, exceeding the figures for 1917 by £31, and those for 1916 
by £57. The ordinary expenditure was £603 3s. Id., and in 
addition £272 10s. 9d. was spent on alterations and fittings of the 
new premises, the surplus expenditure being provided for by over- 
draft, as authorised by the Society. The overdraft at 31st 
December, 1918, including a balance of £77 8s. Id. brought for- 
ward from 1917, stood at £263 12s. 9d. 

Sessional Programme, 1919. 

It is hoped that the Connacht Summer Meeting may be held 
this year. The Council recommends Galway as the centre, and 
is assured of hearty co-operation by the local officers and members. 

The following Sessional Programme is submitted: — 





Wednesday, 29 Jan. . 

Reception by President and Council 


Thursday, 30 „ 

Annual General Meeting 

Tuesday, 25 Feb. . 

Evening Meeting for Papers 

25 Mar. . 


29 April . 

Quarterly Meeting 


Monday, 23-28 June . 

Summer Meeting 

3 J 

Tuesday, 30 Sept. . 

Quarterly Meeting 


28 Oct. . 

Evening Meeting 

9 Dec. . 

Statutory Meeting 

IN 1918. 


Boyle, E. M. F. G., m.r.i.a., Gorteen, Limavady (Member, 1905). 
Dalton, John P., m.a., 16 Alma Eoad, Monkstown, Dublin 
(Member, 189;). 

Dawson, Joseph Francis, Inspector, Munster and Leinster Bank, 

Dame Street, Dublin (Member, 1897). 
Dobbs, Miss Margaret E., Portnagolan, Cushendall (Member, 


French, Edward J., m.a., 71 Ailesbury Eoad, Dublin (Member, 


Hutton, Mrs M. A., Palmerston Lodge, Dartry Boad, Dublin 

(Member, 1911). 
MacErlean, Eev. John, s.j., 35 Lower Leeson Street, Dublin. 
O'Byan, Eev. T. W., c.c, Golden Bridge, Dublin (Member, 1904). 
Pirn, Eight Hon. Mr Justice, 10 Herbert Street, Dublin (Member, 


Plunkett,, Thomas, m.r.i.a., Enniskillen (Member, 1887). 
Beidy, Eev. Thomas Joseph, p.p., Parochial House, Balla, Co. 

Eoche, Henry J., The Castle, Enniscorthy (Member, 1897). 
Scharfr*, E. F., ph.d.,, National Museum, Dublin. 
Strickland, Walter George, 12 Eaglan Boad, Dublin. 
Webster, William, 35 Church Street, St Helen's (Member, 1898). 

Honorary Fellows. 

Ball, Francis Elrington, litt.d., m.r.i.a., j.p., Booterstown House, 

Booterstown, Co. Dublin (Fellow, 1899). 
Bead, Sir Charles Hercules, ll.d., p.r.a.i., f.b.a., British 

Museum, London. 


Baily, Frank, Palmyra, Bathfarnham, Co. Dublin. 
Barry, Theobald, Turtella House, Thurles. 
Barton, Miss Emma, 12 Brighton Boad, Bathgar. 
Beddington, Lt.-Col. Claude, Ower House, Headford, Co. Galway. 
Booth, Bichard Wilson, Killowen, Shrewsbury Boad, Dublin. 
Booth, Miss Caroline S., Dunham Massy, Sunbury Gardens, 

Burke, Henry Anthony, j.p., d.l., Drumkeen, Ballinamallard, 
Co. Fermanagh. 

Cahill, Francis Kennedy, f.r.c.s.i., 80 Men-ion Square, Dublin. 

Callary, Eev. Eobert., b.a., St Finian's College, Mullingar. 

Carrol, Miss Isabel, Lissen Hall, Nenagh. 

Cassidy, Mrs, Gorse Lodge, Enniskerry. 

Chart, D. A., 1 Belgrave Boad, Eathmines. 

Clonbrock, Bt. Hon. Lord, Ahascragh, Co. Galway. 

Coffey, Bryan McMahon, m.a., 12 Denny Street, Tralee. 

Coffey, Diarmuid, 5 Harcourt Terrace, Dublin. 

Collum, Mrs Anna Maria, 18 Northbrook Boad, Dublin. 

Curran, Constantine P., m.a., Barrister- at -Law, 15 Garville ' 

Avenue, Bathgar. 
Curtayne, Eev. T., c.c, Ballinclogher, Lixnaw, Co. Kerry. 
Darling, Eev. Harry, The Eectory, Bective, Co. Meath. 
Donelan, Dermot O'C, Sylanmore, Tuam, Co. Galway. 



Drury, Henry Cooke, m.d., f.r.c.p.i., 48 Fitzwilliam Square, 

Esmonde, Osmund, b.a., 16 Lower Fitzwilliam Street, Dublin. 
Farrell, Kev. Augustine, b.a., The Presbytery, Donnybrook. 
FitzGerald, Mrs, 58 North Circular Eoad, Dublin. 
Giron, Louis Francis, 5 Charleville Eoad, Dublin. 
Gordon, Mrs Winifred, 8 Lansdowne Terrace, Dublin. 
Harrington, Joseph, Canny Court, Branockstown, Co. Kildare. 
Harrington, Mrs A., Millmount, Avoca, Co. Wicklow. 
Healy, James J., 16 Kenilworth Square, Dublin (Associate 

Member, 1913). 
Sutton, Miss H. M., 2 Upper Ely Place, Dublin. 
Jackson, Eev. Eobert, Abbeyleix, Queen's Co. 
Johnston, Alfred A., ll.d., St Angelo, Ballinamallard, Enniskillen. 
Lardner, James C. E., m.p., 4 Leinster Street, Dublin. 
Leask, Eobert, m.i.c.e.i., 10 Ashfleld Terrace, Dublin. 
Lepper, Eobert Stewart, m.a., ll.m., Elsinore, Crawfordsburn, Co. 


Librarian, The Chief, Eoyal Library, Stockholm. 

Librarian, Carnegie Free Library, Kilkenny. 

Librarian, Diocesan Library, Londonderry. 

Lynan, Eev. James, c.c, St Brigid's, Tullamore. 

Lynch, Miss Helena P., 61 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

McCance, Stouppe, Capt., a.s.c, 3 Markham Square, London 

(Associate Member, 1915). 
McCausland, Maurice M., d.l., Drenagh, Limavady. 
McComas, Miss Olive, 16 Elgin Eoad, Dublin. 
MacKenna, Stephen, 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 
Macnamara, Lt.-Col. John W., m.a., m.d., Corofin House, Corofin. 
Maunsell, Harry Ehys, Abbeylands, Killiney, Co. Dublin. 
Millar, Adam Gould Chaytor, 39 Kildare Street, Dublin. 
Moloney, Eev. Francis X., 4 North Vincent Street, Dublin. 
Moorhead, Alexander, 53 Whitworth Eoad, Dublin. 
Norman, George William, 31 Lower Hatch Street, Dublin. 
Norman, Mrs Annette, 31 Lower Hatch Street, Dublin. 
O'Sullivan, Most Eev. Charles, d.d., Bishop of Ardfert and 

Aghadoe, Killarney. 
Pilkington, George Kirwan, 17 Wellington Place, Clyde Eoad, 


Pollock, Alfred Hill, 25 Wicklow Street, Dublin. 
Pratt, Eev. Isaac A., b.d., Eossorry Eectory, Enniskillen. 
Eoden, The Countess of, Tullymore Park, Newcastle, Co. Down. 
Eoper-FitzGerald, C.E.A., Barrister-at-Law, 55 Leeson Park, 


Salkeld, Mrs Florence, Eiversdale, Templeogue. 
Scott, John E., d.l., Hillsboro', Londonderry. 
Symes, Mrs Olive F., Connaught Lodge, Kildare. 
Thompson, Eev. Hugh W. B., St Catherine's Eectory, S.C.E., 

Vandeleur, Eev. W. E., Malahide, Co. Dublin. 
Walker, Franklin M., 64 University Eoad, Belfast. 
West, Erskine Eyre, Shoyswell, Highfield Eoad, Eathgar. 
Williams, Miss Lilly, 11 Lower Beechwood Avenue, Eanelagh. 


Donnelly, Patrick J., 4 Queen Street, Dublin (1895). 
FitzPatrick, S. A. O., Gowran, Brighton Square, Eathgar 

(Member, 1898; Fellow, 1902). 
Healy, His Grace the Most Eev. Dr., Archbishop of Tuam, Tuam 

(Member, 1887; Fellow, 1898). 
Higgins, Patrick, 35 Catherine Street, Waterford (Member, 1897; 

Fellow, 1898). 

Laffan, Thomas, m.d., Cashel (Member, 1890; Fellow, 1906). 
Lucy, Anthony, m.a., 35 Hillcroft Crescent, Ealing (1906). 
MacCormick, Eev. F. H. J., f.s.a., Wellington, Salop (Member, 

1889; Fellow, 1908). 
Shea, Wm. A., d.l., 5 Garville Avenue, Eathgar (Member, 1900; 

Fellow, 1907). 

Honorary Fellow. 

Morris, Eev. Canon Eupert, d.d., 4 Warwick Square, London 


Boyd, J. St Clair, m.d., Chatsworth, Belfast (1894). 
Dallow, Very Eev. Canon, Upton Hall, Birkenhead. 
Elliott, Charles, 137 Sunderland Eoad, London (1892). 
Everard, Eev. John, p.p., Clogheen, Co. Tipperary (1894). 
Fawcett, George, Montevideo, Eoscrea (1891). 
Fawcett, James E., 53 Brighton Eoad, Eathgar (1916). 
Gore, John, 6 Cavendish Eow, Dublin (1897). 
Jones, Capt. Bryan, Dundalk. 

Kane, William F. de Vismes, m.r.i.a., d.l., Monaghan (1909). 
Longford, Eight Hon. Dowager Countess, 24 Eaton Street, London 

McKean, Eev. William, The Manse, Strandtown, Belfast (1898). 
Molony, Eev. Francis X., 4 North Vincent Street, Dublin (1918). 



Nixon, James H. F., Mount Prospect, Mount Nugent (1893). 
O'Morchoe, The, Kerrymount, Eoxrock (1894). 
Patterson, William Hugh, m.r.i.a. Garranard, Strandtown (1868). 
Eice, Lieut. -Col. Eichard Justice, d.l., Bushmount, Lixnaw 

Eyan, James P., m.d., Collins Street, Melbourne (1907). 
Tempest, William, j. p., Douglas Place, Dundalk (1890). 
Walkington, Miss, Edenvale, Strandtown. 
Wells, Samuel W., BeechclirT, Keighley. 



•Connellan, P. L., 6 Via Augusto Valenziani, Porta Salaria, Eome. 
Magennis, William, Herbert Street, Dublin. 
•Stonestreet, Eev. W. T., d.d., Lytham, Lancashire. 
Tarleton, Capt. John W., The Abbey, Killeagh, King's Co. 


Bulger, Mrs A., Thomond House, Lisdoonvarna. 
Carey, Eev. tf. E., 66 Eglantine Avenue, Belfast. 
Cronin, Eichard, 49 Lansdowne Eoad, Dublin. 
Ourran, John, Ventry N. S., Co. Kerry. 
Dunlop, Eobert, m.a., Ill, Neutinggasse, 15, Vienna. 
Ferrar, B. B., m.d., Eoyal Zoological Gardens, Dublin. 
Green, Thomas A., j. p., District Asylum, Carlow. 
Kennedy, E. E., 8 Eoyal Terrace, E., Kingstown. 
McCarthy, Charles, 2 Emmett Place, Cork. 
Price, George, ll.d., Board of Works, Dublin. 

Associate Members. 
Craig, Erancis B., Orwell Park, Eathgar. 
Gwynn, Miss M., Eedcourt, Clontarf. 
Gwynn, Miss S., Eedcourt, Clontarf. 
O'Hara, James, 107 Sandymount Avenue, Dublin. 
Truell, Eobert H., Westmount, Dover. 

List of Publications received, 1918. 
American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, vol. xxvii, part 2. 
Archaeologia Cambrensis, 6th series, vol. xvii, part 4; vol. xviii, 

parts 1, 2, 3, 4 ; Tour in Wales, 1804-1813. 
Architect, The, vols, xcix-c, nos. 2567-2610. 
Belfast Naturalists' Eield Club, Proceedings, vol. vii, 1917-1918. 
Bihar and Orissa Eesearch Society, Journal, vol. hi, part 4; vol. iv, 

parts 1, 2, 3. 


Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, Tr ans action s- 

vol. xl; General Index, vols, xxi-xl. 
Cambridge Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, no. lxviii. 
Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society, Transactions, vol. xxxii. 
Chester and North Wales Archaeological Society, Journal, vol. xxii. 
Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, Journal, vol. xxiv, 

nos. 117, 118, 119. 
Dorset Natural History Field Club, Proceedings, vol. xxxviii. 
Epigraphia Indica, vol. xiii, parts 5-6; vol. xiv, part 1. 
Galway Archaeological and Historical Society, Journal, vol. x, 

nos. 1 and 2. 

Historical Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, Transactions, 

vol. lxix. 
Irish Builder for 1918. 

Kildare Archaeological Society, Journal, vol. ix, nos. 1 and 2. 
Numismatic Chronicle, fourth series, vol. xviii, nos. 69, 70. 
Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statements for 1918. 
v Eoyal Anthropological Institute, Journal, vol. xlvii (July to Dec, 

1917), vol. xlviii (January to June, 1918). 
Eoyal Institute of British Architects, Journal, vol. xxv, nos. 5-12;. 

vol. xxvi, nos, 1-2. 
Eoyal Irish Academy, Proceedings, vol. xxxiv, section C, parts 

6, 7, 8, 9; vol. xxxv, section C, no. 1. 
Eoyal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagen— Memoires 

Nouvelle Serie, 1914-1915, 1916-1917; Nordiske Fortidsminder, 

II, Bind. 

Smithsonian Institution, Publications, nos. 2466, 2467, 2468, 
2469, 2470. 

Society of Antiquaries of London, Proceedings, vol. xxix ; Archaeo- 
logia, vol. lviii. 

Society of Antiquaries, Newcastle-on-Tyne, Proceedings, third 

series, vol. viii, pp. 109-252. 
Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, Proceedings, vol. li. 
Society of Architects, Journal, vol. xi, nos. 2, 3, 4. 
Somersetshire Archaeological Society, Proceedings, 1917, vol. lxhiJ 
Sussex Archaeological Collections, vol. lix. 
Suffolk Institute of Archaeology, Proceedings, vol. xvi, part 2. 
Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, Magazine, 

vol. xl, nos, 128, 129. 
Yorkshire Archaeological Society, Journals, parts 96, 97. 
Yorkshire Philosophical Society, Annual Eeport for 1917. 

The following additions were made to the Library: 
Comparative Archaeology : its Aims and Methods. By and gift 

of Eobert Munro, m.a., M.S., f.s.a., Hon. Fellow. 



The Ethnologist in Archaeology. By and gift of Edwin Sidney 

Hartland, ll.d., f.s.a., Hon. Fellow. 
Ferns Marriages Licences. By and gift of H. S. C. Torney, 

Two Pamphlets — viz., St. Mullin's, illustrated, a Local History 
and the Life of St. Moling, with notes and traditions, by 
Patrick O'Leary; Graig-na-managh, 1, 1913, Ullard, illus- 
trated by the same, ibid 1911. Gift of Patrick O'Leary, 

Eeport of Housing Committee of Dublin Corporation, 1918 ; Eeport 
on Dublin Housing, by P. C. Cowan,, m.inst., c.e., 
1918. Gift of Ignati-s J. Eice, Member. 

The following were declared elected to their respective offices : — 
President: — 

Thomas Johnson Westropp, m.a. 
Vice-Presidents : — 

Ulster — D. Carolan Eushe, b.a. 

Leinster — Herbert Wood, b.a., m.r.i.a. 

Munster — G. D. Burtchaell, m.a., ll.b., k.c, m.r.i.a. 

Connacht — Hon. Viscount Gough, k.c.v.o., d.l. 
Hon. General Secretary: — 

Charles McNeill. 
Hon. Treasurer: — 

H. Bantry White, i.s.o., m.a. 
Members of Council: — 

E. C, E. Armstrong, Fellow, m.r.i.a. 

Colonel E. Claude Cane, Felloiv, j.p. 

J. P. Dalton, Fellow, m.a. 

Lord Walter FitzGerald, Fellow, m.r.i.a., j.p. 
M. J. McEnery, Fellow, b.a., m.r.i.a. 
N. J. Synnott, Fellow, b.a. 

On the recommendation of the Council, Messrs. William 
Chamney, Member, and Eobert Nicol, Associate Member, were 
approved as Auditors of the Accounts for 1918. 

The special thanks of the Society were given by an unanimous 
vote to the ladies and gentlemen who had charge of the arrange- 
ments, and who had most kindly given their services in carrying 
out the programme of the Eeception and Conversazione on the 
previous day. 

An Evening Meeting of the 71st Yearly Session of the Society 
was held at the Society's House, Dublin, on Tuesday, 25th of 
February, 1919, at 8.15 p.m., Mr. P. J. Lynch, Vice-President, 
in the Chair. 


A paper " On the Ancient Places of Assembly in the Counties 
of Limerick and Clare," by the President, was submitted by the 
Hon. General Secretary, and was referred to the Council to be 
considered for publication. 

A Quarterly General Meeting of 71st Yearly Session of the 
Society was held at 63 Merrion Square, Dublin, on Tuesday, 29th 
April, 1919, at 8.15 p.m. 

Mr. William Cotter Stubbs, Vice-President, in the Chair. 

Also present : — 

Fellows : — J. Poe Alton, E. C. R. Armstrong, f.s.a., E. M. F. G. 
Boyle, m.r.i. a., Charles McNeill, Ron. Gen. Sec, Rev. T. W. 
O'Ryan, c.c, G. W. Panter, m.a., m.r.i. a., G. W. Strickland^ 
m.r.i. a., John F. Weldrick. 

Members: — Miss E. Badham, ll.d., Miss Sarah Bernard, J. J. 
Buckley, Miss Carolan, Mrs. Cassidy, D. A. Chart, Mrs. Collum,. 
W. M. Conway, H. S. Crawford, m.r.i. a., W. J. Dargan, m.d., 
Henry Cooke Drury, m.d., Captain FitzPatrick, Miss A. M. Joly r 
Rev. William O'Neill Lindsay, m.a., C. J. MacGarry,"H. R. 
Maunsell, Alexander Moorhead, Miss E. Nichols, G. R. Pilkington,. 
R. G. Pilkington, R. B. Sayers, Rev. H. B. Swanzy, m.a., Rev. 
Francis Wall, Miss Lilly Williams. 

Associate Members : — Mrs. W. J. Dargan, John Garty. 

The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. 

The Report of the Accounts for 1918, submitted by the Hon. 
Auditors, was adopted, on the motion of the Hon. Treasurer r 
seconded by Colonel Claude Cane, Fellow, and the thanks of the 
Society were voted to the Auditors. 

The following Fellows and Members were elected : — 

As Fellows. 

Andrews, Michael Corbet, f.r.g.s., f.r.s.g.s., 17 University 
Square, Belfast (Member, 1910) : proposed by The President. 

Credm, David, Sapper, R.E., Gortmore, Fivemiletown, Co. 
Tyrone (Member, 1910) : proposed by the Hon. Gen. Secretary ^ 

As Members. 

Carolan, Miss, 7 Clareville Road, Rathgar: proposed by D. Carolan 
Rushe, Fellow. 

Langan, J., 41 Pembroke Road, Dublin: proposed by J. P. Dalton r 

Nolan, Daniel J., Manager, Ulster Bank, Castlerea: proposed by- 
Very Rev. John Nolan, p.p., v.f., Member. 

O'Hare, Thomas Alphonsus, 25 Circus Drive, Dennistoun, Glas- 
gow; proposed by D. Carolan Rushe, Fellow. 



O'Kelly, J. J., m.b., b.s., 53 Rathgar Road, Dublin: proposed by 

the Hon. Gen. Secretary. 
Wilkinson, Wilfred Frederic Sands, f.r.m.s., Irvinestown, Co. 
Fermanagh : proposed by Thomas Plunkett, Fellow. 
The following papers were read and referred to the Council to 
be considered for publication : — 

" The Bell Shrine of S. Senan." By E. C. R. Armstrong, 

Vice-President (illustrated). 
" Notes on a Copy of the Dublin Book of Common Prayer," 
traditionally stated to have belonged to the Irish House 
of Commons. By W. G. Strickland, Fellow. 
" On Irish Farthing Tokens." By H. C. Drury, m.d., 

The following were exhibited : — 

" Book of Common Prayer. Dublin, 1750." Presented by 

Lord Raglan, c.b., Hon. Fellow. 
"Examples of Irish Farthing Tokens." By H. C. Drury, 

m.d., Member. 

On the motion of the Hon. Gen. Secretary, seconded by the 
Hon. Treasurer, it was resolved: — "That the Society in this 
General Meeting expresses its high appreciation of the public spirit 
and generosity of Mr. G. W. Panter, a Fellow of the Society, in 
securing the Bell Shrine of S. Senan and presenting it to the 
Royal Irish Academy's Collection of Irish Antiquities in the 
National Museum." 















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The " Extra Volumes " for the following years are : — 

1888-89 — "The Rude Stone Monuments of Co. Sligo and the Island of Achill," by Colonel 
Wood-Martin. (Out of print.) 

♦1890-91—" The Account Roll of the Priory of the Holy Trinity, Dublin, 1337-1346, with the 
Middle English Moral Play, The Pride of Life, from the original in the Christ Church 
Collection in the Public Record Office, Dublin," edited by James Mills, m.r.i.a. 

*1892 — "Inis Muiredach, now Inismurray, arid its Antiquities," b}^ W. F. Wakeman (cloth, 
royal 8vo, with Map and 84 Illustrations). (Price 7s. 6d.) 

*1 893-95—" The Annals of Clonmacnoise," from the mss. in the Royal Irish Academy and Trinity 
College, Dublin, edited, with Introduction and Notes, by Rev. Denis Murphy, s.j., m.r.i.a. 

*1 898-97 — "Register of Wills and Inventories of the Diocese of Dublin in the time of Arch- 
bishops Tregury and Walton, 1457-1483," from the original ms. in the Library of Trinity 
College, Dublin, edited, with Translation, Notes, and Introduction, by Henry F. Berry, 
m.a., t.c.d., Barrister-at-Law. 

*1 898-1 901 —The Index to the first Nineteen Volumes of the Journal for the years 1849-1909, 
inclusive, complete in Three Parts. Parts I, II, and III now ready, price 3s. 6d. each. 
The whole forming vol. xx of the Consecutive Series of the Journal of the Society, 
*1907-1908 — "Inscribed Slabs at Clonmacnois." By R. A. S. Macalister, m.a., f.s.a. 
*1909— " Old Irish Folk Music and Songs." By P. W. Joyce, ll.d. (Price 10s. 6d.) 
1917— "Howth and its Owners." By Francis Elrington Ball, ll.d., m.r.i.a. 

* These Volumes miy be had from the Society's Publishers, price 10s. each. 

Index to the Journal, Vols. XXI-XL -(1891-1910). Compiled by 
the late General Stubbs, revised and edited by W. Cotter Stubbs, 
m.a., m.r.i.a. (Price 10s. 6d.) ; bound in cloth 12s. 6d. 

"The Gormanston Register," edited by James Mills, i.s.o., and M. J. M'Enery, 
m.r.i.a., Deputy-Keeper of the Records in Ireland. Price £1; reduced price to 
Members, 15s. 

Antiquarian Handbook Series, No. VII. 

Antiquities of Limerick and its Neighbourhood. Cloth, with numerous illus- 
trations. Price 5s. 

The " Extra Volumes " previous to the year 1890 are out of print, except " Christian 
Inscriptions in the Irish Language," edited by M. Stokes, of which several complete Volumes 
and Parts, with numerous Illustrations, may be had. Price £3 for the complete Volumes. 

The Publications of the Society are to be obtained from the Publishers, Messrs. Hodges, 
Figgis & Co., Ltd., 104 Grafton Street, Dublin ; also the List of Fellows and Members (price Is.). 

Hon. LocaS S 

Antrim (N.) Wm. A. Traill, m.a., m.e. 

„ (S.). W. J. Knowles, m.r.i.a. 

Armagh . * * * * * 

Belfast City R. M. Young, b.a., m.r.i.a. 

Carlo W . Patrick O'Leary. 

Cavan . William J. Fegan, Solicitor, 

viare . G. U. Macnamara ll.d. 

<$rk . The O 'Donovan, m.a. 

,, City . Rev. Patrick Power, m.r.i.a. 

Donegal . John H. Tibbs, b.a. 

Down(N.) . * * * * * 

„ (S.) . Francis J. Bigger, m.r.i.a. 

Dublin . W. Cotter Stubbs, m.a., m.r.i.a. 

„ City John Cooke, m.a., m.r.i.a. 

Fermanagh T. Plunkett, m.r.i.a. 

Gal way (N.) T. Bodkin O»stello, m.d. 

„ (S.) ***** 

Kerry . Singleton Goodwin, m.inst. c.e. 

Kildare . Lord Walter FitzGerald, m.r.i.a. 

Kilkenny . M. M. Murphy, m.b.i.a. 

King's Co. . Mrs. Tarleton. 

■etaries, 19 19 

Leitrim . H. J. B. Clements, j.p., d.l. 
Limerick . J. Grene Barry, d.l. 
Londonderry E. M. F. G. Boyle, m.r.i.a 
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THE ieo0A£'V J 



Series VI, Vol. IX 

Vol. XLIX 

3 1 December 19 19 

Nicholas J. Synnott, Fellow — Notes on the Family of De Lacy in 

Ireland . . : . . . . . .7 * \ . . ^ * . 113 

E. C. R. Armstrong, f.s.a., Vice-President — The Bell-Shrine of 
St Seanan, known as the Clogan Oir — {Illustrated) 

R. J. Kelly, k.c, Member — Dbnnybrook — Origin of Name — Its 

Famous Fair 136 

H. Bantry White, i.s.o., Hon. Treasurer — An Old House at Donny- 
brook — {Illustrated) ......... 

Henry S. Crawford, m.r.i.a., Member — Notes on the ' 1 Doubtful 
Portrait and the Cross-Bearing Pages in the Book of Kells — 
{Illustrated) . . . . . . . . . . . - 

Henry S. Crawford, m.r.i.a., Member — A Late Slab and Cross at 

Taghmaconnell, Co. Roscommon . . . . . . 155 

Miscellanea ............ 156 

Proceedings 159 

Summer Meeting, 19 19 — {Illustrated) 162 

Appendix I. — Thomas Johnson Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a., President — 
Notes on Several Forts in Dunkellin and other parts of Southern 
Co. Gal way — {Illustrated) . . . . , . . . . 167 
Appendix II. — Chas. M'Neill, Hon. Gen. Secretary — The Chalices of 

the West Convent, Galway ... 187 

Index . . . . 




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By Nicholas J. Synnott, Fellow. 

It ; not proposed, in these pages, to give an historical account of 
the work and achievements of the several members of the great 
house of De Lacy, who took such a prominent part in the Norman 
subjugation of Ireland during the first century of its progress, but 
to attempt to piece together and record the personal and genea- 
logical history of the Irish branch. The great families of De Clare 
(associated in Ireland with the name of " Strongbow ") and of 
Marshall have been made the subject of special study; and year by 
year, to this day, the history of the family of Fitzgerald, with its 
numerous branches, is being probed out, and set in its true features. 
The lapse of eight centuries, and the absence or destruction of 
lecords, make any such investigation tentative, and liable to cor- 
rection by newly-discovered material. 

It is remarkable, that in the v case of a family of such historic 
importance as the FitzGeralds, with an unbroken male descent, and 
with members who have been, and are, loyal custodians of its 
archives, it is only of recent years that the true origin and early 
descents have been made out. It is not surprising, then, that 
errors have crept in and have been repeated, relating to the 
descent and alliances of the family of De Lacy, who shared the 
fate, though not so prematurely, of so many great Norman families, 
such as that of Strongbow and the Marshalls, of having their great 



possessions divided up among co-heiresses, through failure of male 

It will be seen from the accompanying pedigree and notes, that 
some statements made by such writers as Baron Finglas, Ware, 
Cox, O 'Donovan, and Lodge, about particular members of the 
De Lacy family will "have to be corrected in view of contemporary 
evidence and recent investigations. 

The subject is, however, still very obscure, and the writer is. 
conscious that it invites a more thorough search of original records 
than he has time or opportunity to make. 

Mr Orpen has recently brought out in clear light, that many 
of the conventional views of the Norman conquest of Ireland con- 
tained in still current manuals and epitomes should be re-written. 

It is perhaps not surprising that in certain historical summaries, 
undue prominence has been given to the achievements of Strong- 
bow and his followers, seeing that for the early period, we have 
chiefly to rely on the old French poem, based on the chronicle of 
Regan, who was secretary of Dermot McMurrough (Strongbow's 
father-in-law); and on Giraldus, who cannot desist from extolling 
the exploits of his kindred, so numerously represented amongst the 
early Norman leaders. 1 

Though Strongbow was not a Geraldine, he was a military ally 
of that clan before the Irish invasion; and he .gave his daughter,, 
Basilia, in marriage to a grandson of Gerald of Windsor, Raymond 
Fitzwilliam (commonly called le Gros), probably the ablest soldier 
of the Geraldine family. 

Strongbow died in 1176, having been Viceroy for less than two 
years; but as late as 1174 the native Irish had defeated his forces, 
and he had to retreat to Waterford, whilst Rory O 'Conor of Con- 
naught followed up with a destructive raid into Meath. At the 
time of Strongbow's death a considerable portion of his nominal 
Lordship of Leinster had not been parcelled out or taken posses- 
sion of by his subfeudatories ; in fact, the Norman settlement was. 
only then beginning. It was during the century succeeding 
Strongbow's death that such settlement was carried out; not, in 
the main, by or under the direct control of the English Sovereigns, 
(whose fitful interference seems, indeed, to have retarded the 
work), but by the energy of a. few determined and able men, and 
their personal followers. 

1 See Orpen, Ireland Under the Normans, vol. i, for pedigree show- 
ing relationships of early Geraldine followers of Strongbow, &c. ; also 
pedigree prefixed to Giraldus's Conquest of Ireland (Bohn Series), p. 
183, which shows that no less than twenty male descendants of Nesta, 
including three generations, took part in the several expeditions to 



Amongst these Norman leaders the De Lacys were perhaps the 
most conspicuous. Their tenure of power lasted much longer than 
that of the Marshalls, and of the other great feudatories, the 
Burghs of Connaught alone excelled them in the length of their 
family sway. At this time the numerous scions of the Geraldine 
stock were chiefly busy in establishing themselves in their own 
fiefs at Naas, Ossory, Wicklow, and elsewhere; whilst it was not 
until about a century later that Kildare and Desmond attained an 
almost regal power, and the rival Butlers of Ormonde came into 
prominence. For about seventy years, from the grant of the Lord- 
ship of Meath to Hugh de Lacy the elder in 1172 to the death of 
his son Walter in 1241, and of his son Hugh Earl of Ulster in 1242, 
the members of this, the senior branch of the family, from their 
positions, possessions, and activities, were the most conspicuous 
of the Norman Chiefs, and if these were intermissions in their sway, 
this was due to the fitful suspicions and jealousy of King Henry 
and his successors, who saw in them successful rivals. A junior 
branch, the De Lacys of Rathwire, held large possessions in Meath 
for about half a century after the extinction in the male line of the 
elder branch. 

Hugh de Lacy the elder was three times Justiciar, in 1172-1173, 
1177-1181, and again in 1181-1182, and his son Hugh, was Chief 
Governor in 1208. The Lordship of Meath, which was granted by 
the King in 1172, with semi-regal, or Palatinate powers, comprised 
some 800,000 acres, covering, besides the the modern County of 
Meath, extensive portions of Westmeath, King's County, and 

With the grant of Ulster to Hugh de Lacy the younger in 1205, 
and further grants in Connaught, the De Lacys held princely juris- 
diction over about a fifth of the total area of Ireland, being more 
than a third of the conquered portions of the country. In their vast 
territories, they levied their own armed forces; made peace and 
war, with little interference by the Crown; held their own courts, 
civil and criminal; collected their own revenues; and made large 
feudal sub-grants to their nominees, whose tenure in many cases 
entitled them to the rank of Baron — a position recognised in the 
families of these subfeudatories for centuries, and in several cases, 
existing to this day, acknowledged by the Crown as the root of title 
to a Parliamentary peerage. 2 

2 The Baronies of Delvin, Killeen (or Rathregan), and Dunboyne 
seem to owe their origin to grants from the Lords of Meath. The 
following seem to be all the feudal or prescriptive Irish Baronie.? 
surviving : — Ophaley (held by the Duke of Leinster), Kingsale, Gor- 
manston, Delvin (Earl of Westmeath), Killeen (Earl of Fingal), Dunsany, 
Kerry and Lixnaw (Marquis of Lansdowne), and Dunboyne. Of these 


To understand the position and achievements of the great 
Norman leaders such as the De Lacys, and to grasp the true course 
of Irish history we must bear in mind that these immense grants 
of lands and Palatine privileges were largely speculative, in the 
sense that the subject-matters of the gift were seldom at the time 
of the grant in the King's possession or power, but had to be won 
and held by the sword of the donee and his followers. 

The description of the grant of Ulster to John de Courcy in the 
song of Dermot shows that it was left to the grantee himself to 
make effectual his dominion over the lands given : — 

To one John he granted Ulster, 

If lie could conquer it by force; 

John de Courcy was his name, 

Who afterwards suffered many a trouble there. 3 

Another aspect of the conquest, which only recent historians 
have brought out clearly, shows us that the relation of Henry and 
his early successors to his grantees, was that of feudal overlord, 
rather than that of Sovereign. Henry II never proclaimed 
himself King of Ireland, nor was he so styled in the charters and 
grants to Hugh de Lacy and others. 

John was only " Dominus Hiberniae," and is so styled in the 
grant of Ulster to Hugh de Lacy in 1205, though he was then 
King of England. 4 Thus, in a true perspective, the invasion of 
Ireland, and the Conquest of Leinster, Ulster, Meath and the coast 
cities, was principally the work of Norman feudal lords, and not 
that of English arms, or of an English sovereign. In England the 
new race of Norman kings exercised their dominion over the whole 
country — in Ireland, direct exercise of strictly sovereign rights was 
limited in action, fitful, arbitrary, and not complete for centuries. 

To appreciate the position of Henry II and his successors we 
must approach it from the more central point of view developed 
by historians such as Sir James Ramsay and Miss Norgate, 5 who 
show that the Continental possessions of Henry, as head of the 

all except Dunboyne were summoned in 1489 by Henry VII to a Parlia- 
ment at Greenwich, though no patents creating these Baronies are 
known. The Lord of Ophaley sat as Earl of Kildare. There is no doubt 
Dunboyne was a feudal peerage originally; though there was a re-grant 
in 1541. See Complete Peerage, by Gibbs, vol. i, p. xxix and p. 458; 
vol. iv, p. 516; also Lynch, Legal Institutions and Feudal Baronies, 
p. 151. 

3 Orpen, Song of Dermot and the Earl, p. 199. 

4 John made a number of grants in Ireland as " Dominus " before he 
became King. Mr Orpen has shown that there was no grant of 
Sovereignty over Ireland by the Pope to Henry II by the Bull " Lauda- 
bilitur," Ireland Under the Normans, vol. i, p. 300. See the text of 
various grants in the C. Gormanston Register, p. 175, et seq. 

5 Norgate, England Under the Angevin Kings, vol. ii, p. 185, &c. Sir 
lames H. Ramsay, The Angevin Empire. 



House of Anjou, were far more extensive than his English lands ; 
and that his title to Touraine, Maine, Brittany, and other Angevin 
States was far better, and his control and possession there far more 
effective, than in any part of the British Isles, outside England 
proper. As Henry was content to be overlord of his various Angevin 
dominions, so was he content to be overlord over such part of 
Ireland as his feudal barons could conquer for him. At no time 
did he claim to be King of Ireland any more than of Scotland or of 

The feudal tie, by which the King as overlord could exact ser- 
vice in other countries where his feudal lands lay, imposed obliga- 
tions on tenants in chief, which prevented the great Norman leaders 
giving continued attention to the administration of their Irish 
lands, when (as in the case of the DeLacys and others) possessions 
in England or Normandy involved duty of service there. Thus we 
see the De Lacys and many others of the King's vassals in Ireland 
frequently summoned to his French possessions to help him in his 
wars or to put down revolt there, — thus involving a constant 
change of Irish governors and administrators. The feudal relation 
between the overlord and tenant in chief was in many respects more 
important and binding than that between King and subject. The 
Dominus Hiberniae ' ' was far away, engaged with concerns more 
important to him than Ireland, and in the person of King John, 
at any rate, the alternate neglect, and capricious interference of 
the Sovereign (as Mr Orpen has clearly shown) struck the first 
blow to the feudal organization of Ireland by the Norman Barons. 6 
If the great leaders, like Strongbow, Be Lacy, the Burgos, and 
FitzGeralds, who had married Irish wives of the reigning Celtic 
families, had been allowed (so to speak) to work their own salvation, 
the era of fighting, bloodshed and confiscation might, at any rate, 
have been much limited and shortened ; and some compromise 
might have been come to in respect of language, laws, and pro- 
prietary rights (for the bone of religious contention was then want- 
ing), and the fatal policy of religious persecution and confiscation 
(yclept " Settlement "), by Tudors, Stuarts, and Cromwell might 
have been never inaugurated, or would have been found impossible 
to execute. 

Hugh de Lacy, the first of his name who came to Ireland, was 
one of those eminently fitted to reconcile the interests of the in- 
vaders and the native Irish. He married an Irish wife, the daughter 
of Eoderic O 'Conor, King of Connaught, thereby incurring the 
King's displeasure. 7 

6 Orpen, Ireland Under the Normans, vol. ii, cxxii and xxiii. 

7 The O'Conors of Connaught. By O'Conor Don, p. 74. Orpen, II, 
p. 54. 


Giraldus, in spite of his family leanings, speaks glowingly of 
" the liberality and courtesy with which he won the hearts of the 
Irish people, and drew round him their natural leaders " — 
' ' making it his first care to restore peace and order, reinstating the 
peasants, who, after they had first submitted to the conquerors, 
were violently expelled from their districts — and restoring confi- 
dence by his mild administration and firm adherence to treaties. 8 

To come to the personal and genealogical history of the family. 
The first of the De Lacy name who appears in English history is the 
Walter de Lacy, or de Lascy (the original form of the name),- in 
the, attached pedigree. There is little known of his origin, except 
that he came from a place called Lascy, or Lassy, in the Canton of 
Conde-sur-Moireau, in the Arrondissement of Vire, in Normandy. 

The old castle or Manor-house (" manoir "), near the church, is 
said to have been destroyed in 1855. 9 

This Walter de Lacy accompanied the Conqueror to England 
and acquired large estates on the Welsh border, the principal being 
Ewyas luSkcy, Staunton Lacy, and Ludlow. Probably the grant of 
these lands entitled the possessor to a feudal Barony in England, 
though he retained the name of his Norman Seigneurie — at any 
rate we find his descendants recognised as Barons in England. The 
date of Walter's death is variously given as 1084, 1085, and 1089. 10 

Walter had a brother or cousin, Ilbert, who also came over with 
the Conqueror, and became possessed of the Lordship of Ponte- 
fract, and other lands in the County of York. A descendant of this 
Ilbert — namely, John de Lacy, Constable of Chester — was ap- 
pointed jointly with Richard de Bee, custodian of Dublin Castle, 
and John's grandson afterwards became Earl of Lincoln. 11 The 
English branch of De Lacys (soon, however, to disappear in the 
male line) in course of time held an enormous territory, extending 
from Pontefract into West Lancashire. Kirkstall Abbey, York- 
shire, and Whalley Abbey, Lancashire, were founded by them, and 
to this day the signboards of old hostelries in the North of England 
for example, in the town of Whalley, bearing the title of the " De 
Lacy arms," record the ancient importance of the family. An 
account of the descendants of Ilbert de Lacy will be found in The 
Gentleman's Magazine for 1866, p. 687. 

Walter de Lacy, above named, had three sons, Robert or Roger, 

8 Giraldus, Conquest of Ireland, cxix. 

9 Recherches Historiques sur les compagnons ale Guillaume le Con- 
q iterant, par Etienne Dupont, part ii, p. 45. 

M Dugdale (baronage, vol. i, p. 95, sub fit. " Laci ") gives the date of 
T, xr v-,^ 1084 N 1C ola S (Peerage, ed. by Courthorpe), 1084, The 
V' a • \i tS a ^ d 9^ en 1089 - Some account of the De Lacys is to be 
found m the Battle Abbey Roll, by the Duchess of Cleveland, incorrect 
m various particulars. 

11 Nicolas (Courthorpe), p. 276. Dugdale, Baronage, sub tit. " Laci." 


Hugh, and Walter, and a. daughter, Emma or Emmeline. Robert 
(or Roger) succeeded his father as second Baron, but after his 
rebellion against William Rufus (in which he was joined by his 
cousin Robert de Lacy, Lord of Pontefract), his lands were seized 
by the Crown in 1091, and granted to his brother Hugh, who 
became third Baron. Hugh largely endowed the Abbey of 
Llanthony, and died some time before 1121. The next brother, 
Walter, was in Holy Orders, was Abbot of St Peter's Abbey, 
Gloucester, and died in 11 39. 12 

The fourth Baron was Gilbert, the son of Emma, and, there- 
fore, nephew of Hugh, the third Baron. The name of Emma's 
husband is not known. Gilbert assumed the name of De Lacy, and 
succeeded to the Barony — an early example of acquisition jure 
uxor is; or, perhaps, rather the correct interpretation is that the 
possession of the feudal lands, in days when tenure was all im- 
portant, entitled the holder to the feudal rank of Baron. 

Gilbert was succeeded by his son Hugh as fifth Baron. The 
English lands of his father seem to have been, for a time, in the 
King's hands, but they were recovered before 1163, and in 1165 
Hugh had possession of more than 58 Knight's fees in Shropshire. 13 

Hugh, then fifth Baron de Lacy by tenure, came over to 
Ireland, as we have stated, with Henry II, and had a grant of 
Meath in 1172 from the King. The terms of the grant do not ex- 
pressly include those semi-regal or Palatinate powers, which were, 
in fact, exercised by De Lacy and his descendants for centuries, 
and recognised by the Crown, but the text of the grant provides 
that Hugh de Lacy is to have and hold the lands " from me and 
my heirs as Mucardus, Hu-Mulachlyn, or any other before and 
after him better held the same." 14 Inasmuch as Hu-Mulachlyn 
(or O'Melaghlin) was King of Meath, it may have been intended 
that the grantee was to have such princely power and authority as 
O'Melaghlin formerly possessed. Moreover the text provides that 
Hugh was to have ' ' all liberties and . customs ' ' which Henry II 
" had or was able to have." The grant, it is also to be noticed, is 
heredibus suis " — i.e., to heirs general. 

Hugh de Lacy appears to have had a sister, Rosea, whom he 
afterwards gave in marriage to Gilbert de Nugent, first Baron of 
Delvin. The Nugents and De Lacys were already blood relations, 
for it is stated that Rosea was Gilbert's cousin. 15 

12 Chron. St Peter, Gloucester Bolls, Ser. i, 15-17. 

13 Eyton, Shropshire, v. 253 

14 For text, see Lynch, pp. 140, 150, and Calendar Gormanston 
Register, pp. 6, 177, 178. 

15 Giraldus, p. 356. The Earls of Westmeath are descended from 
Richard, brother of Gilbert de Nugent. The account in Lodge of the 
descent of the Barony of Delvin should be compared with the" observa- 
tions and criticisms in the Complete Peerage, ed. by Gibbs, sub tit. 



Hugh died in 1186, having married (1) Roheis or Rose de 
Monemue (Monmouth), and (2) about 1180, Rose, daughter of 
Roderic O 'Conor, King of Connaught. 

By his first wife, Hugh had four sons— (1) Walter, who 
succeeded him in the Barony of de Lacy, and in the Lordship of 
Meath; (2) Hugh, created Earl of Ulster in 1205, and appointed 
Justiciar in 1208; (3) Gilbert, and (4) Robert. Gilbert is not 
mentioned by Baron Finglas in his Breviate, nor by Cox, and 
several other authorities, but of his existence there can be no doubt, 
for it appears on record that in 1222 the King directed Hugh de Lacy 
" to place faith in his brother Gilbert regarding the King's Irish 
affairs." 16 

But for the publication of the Calendar of the Gormanston 
Register we should not have known of the existence of Robert. He 
must have died before 1234, as in that year Walter de Lacy, Lord 
of Meath, makes a grant for the souls, amongst others, of " Robert 
de Lac}^, his brother." (Page 8, Cal. Gorm. Reg.) 

Hugh, first Lord of Meath, had a daughter, Elayne, who married 
Richard de Beaufoi; and also a daughter (by which wife is not 
clear) who married William FitzAlan. (Eyton, V, 240.) 

By his second wife, (a marriage celebrated without Henry's con- 
sent) Hugh had a son, William, who took a prominent part in the 
resistance to William Marshal, and was killed in battle in 1233, 
fighting against Cathal O'Reilly. 

Three brothers of this William de Lacy are mentioned, two of 
whom, Thomas and Henry, were styled " Blund." 17 They may 
have been half-brothers of William. They were certainly sons of 
Rose O 'Conor, but whether by Hugh de Lacy or a second husband 
is not clear. 18 

To return to the later descendants of Hugh, by his first wife, 
Walter, his eldest son, married Margaret, daughter of William 
de Braose, and had a son, Gilbert, who died in his father's lifetime. 
Gilbert is stated by Nicolas in his Historic Peerage (and by 
others) 19 to have married Isabel, daughter of Sir Ralph Bigod; but 
Mr Hamilton Hall has recently given strong reasons for concluding 
that this Isabel was not a daughter of Sir Ralph Bigod, if a Bigod at 
all. 20 

By this marriage Gilbert had a son, Walter, who married a 
daughter of Theobald Butler, but died without issue. 

Sweetman, Cal. J). I., vol. i, no. 1074. 

Sweetman, Cal. B. I., vol. i, no. 1203. 

Orpen, Ireland Tinder the Normans, vol. ii, p. 111. 

Nicolas, Historic Peerage (Conrthorpe), tit. " Fitzjohn," p. 195. 

The Marshall Pedigree, Journal B.S.A.I., vol. xliii, p. 13. 


Conqueror, 1071, died in ic 

7 d.s.p. before 1121. Waltek, in Holy C 

30, Rose O'Conor, daughter of Roderic O'Conor, 

_Elayne, m. Richard de Beaufoi. A daughter m. 

Henry, Another son. 
styled "Blund." 

>nd Pierce Oge Lacy of Bruff and 

Egidia, m. Richard de I 

Walter de Burgo, created Earl of Ulster 1264|Lodge, Peerage, tit. " Netterville ' 

Ancestors o 


Hugh died in 1186, having married (1) Roheis or Rose de 
Monemue (Monmouth), and (2) about 1180, Rose, daughter of 
Roderic O'Conor, King of Connaught. 

By his first wife, Hugh had four sons— (1) Walter, who 
succeeded him in the Barony of de Lacy, and in the Lordship of 
Meath; (2) Hugh, created Earl of Ulster in 1205, and appointed 
Justiciar in 1208; (3) Gilbert, and (4) Robert, Gilbert is not 
mentioned by Baron Finglas in his Breviate, nor by Cox, and 
several other authorities, but of his existence there can be no doubt, 
for it appears on record that in 1222 the King directed Hugh de Lacy 
" to place faith in his brother Gilbert regarding the King's Irish 
affairs." 16 

But for the publication of the Calendar of the Gormanston 
Register we should not have known of the existence of Robert. He 
must have died before 1234, as in that year Walter de Lacy, Lord 
of Meath, makes a grant for the souls, amongst others, of " Robert 
de Lacy, his brother." (Page 8, Gal. Gorm. Beg.) 

Hugh, first Lord of Meath, had a daughter, Elayne, who married 
Richard de Beaufoi; and also a daughter (by which wife is not 
clear) who married William FitzAlan. (Eyton, V, 240.) 

By his second wife, (a marriage celebrated without Henry's con- 
sent) Hugh had a son, William, who took a prominent part in the 
resistance to William Marshal, and was killed in battle in 1233, 
fighting against Cathal O'Reilly. 

Three brothers of this William de Lacy are mentioned, two of 
whom, Thomas and Henry, were styled " Blund." 17 They may 
have been half-brothers of William. They were certainly sons of 
Rose O'Conor, but whether by Hugh de Lacy or a second husband 
is not clear. 18 

To return to the later descendants of Hugh, by his first wife, 
W 7 alter, his eldest son, married Margaret, daughter of William 
de Braose, and had a son, Gilbert, who died in his father's lifetime. 
Gilbert is stated by Nicolas in his Historic Peerage (and by 
others) 19 to have married Isabel, daughter of Sir Ralph Bigod ; but 
Mr Hamilton Hall has recently given strong reasons for concluding 
that this Isabel was not a daughter of Sir Ralph Bigod, if a Bigod at 
all. 20 

By this marriage Gilbert had a son, Walter, who married a 
daughter of Theobald Butler, but died without issue. 

Sweetman, Gal. D. I., vol. i, no. 1074. 

Sweetman, Gal. D. I., vol. i, no. 1203. 

Orpen, Ireland Under the Normans, vol. ii, p. 111. 

Nicolas, Historic Peerage (Courthorpe), tit. " Fitzjohn," p. 195. 

The Marshall Pedigree, Journal B.S.A.I., vol. xliii, p. 13. 


Walter de Lascy or Lacy, 


de Lacy by tenure, came to England with William the Conqueror, 1071, died in 1089 (Open, Ireland Under the Normans, vol. ii, p. 51). 

1 Holy Oitl,:rs. 

j (Rose) de Monomue (Mur 

Kill.:: of ColLILillU'llt. 

. ,]„.! UtJ 

Ki m. Iticliard de Bcauf.-i. A daughter hi. WUliai 

Wn.iiAM I. my. .[ , f Li-wlvn . f \V,d, ■ 

I ' 

1'. I,.jidi, aw\ lli. r.. -l..n.- o 

An oidnm In I ) 1 li.iiK 1 vitii ;in,l ot|n-r>, from I lli- Win. d, L.i. y dosivic 

Bruree, and other L.mene'k La.-; , 

Ouh Lacy of Brtill and 

Inlirrit. ! Iiioirty of !,. .rd>ln|. of M, ]/.,k.-i !> 

m I'M; 1,1. lii K. t i( ,.f CM. , 1JI14, . 

111.1. duskier n[ .Mm .tFiy. 

.Veilervdle (I.',i.1l'c. Peerage, tit. "Net 



The lands and Lordship of Meath were inherited by Gilbert's 
two daughters, Margaret and Matilda, who effected a partition of 
their lands, and obtained each a moiety of the Lordship of Meath— 
the former getting chiefly the lands in Westmeath, the latter those 
in the modern County of Meath. Numerous entries in Sweetman's 
Calendar, and the recently-published Calendar of the Gormanston 
Register, seem to show conclusively that each of these moieties in 
the hands of their coparceners and their descendants, were recog- 
nised as separate Lordships, the holders of which were recognised, 
in their respective territories, as having the same palatinate powers 
and jurisdiction as were exercised in the undivided Lordship. 21 

Similar privileges were allowed in the case of the partition of 
the Leinster Lordship amongst the Marshall co-heiresses. An in- 
teresting question of feudal custom is here raised. Probably the 
large extent of the territories, even after division, gave the separate 
possessors a customary right to have the ancient powers and juris- 
diction left unimpairedf — the stipulated service to the overlord 
being left secured by the amplitude of the divided possessions. 

The descendants of the eldest daughter, Margaret, who 
married John de Verdon, were traced by the Eev. D. Murphy, in 
an article in this Journal on the De Verdons of Louth, 22 Margaret's 
moiety, which included a great portion of Westmeath, with, its 
principal castle, Loughseady, otherwise Ballymore Loughseady, 
passed to various Verdons in the male line until Theobald Verdon, 
who died in 1317, leaving four daughters co-heiresses. The article 
states that the senior co-heir to the Barony of Verdon is the present 
Lord Mowbray, Segrave and Stourton, through the families of 
Furnival, Neville, Talbot, Howard, and Stourton, being descended 
from Theobald de Verdon 's first wife. This first wife of Theobald 
was Maude de Mortimer, who was descended from Matilda, Gilbert 
de Lacy's younger daughter, so that the Verdon descendants by 
this marriage have two strains of De Lacy blood. 

Matilda, Gilbert de Lacy's second daughter and co-heiress, 
married Geoff ry de Genneville, brother of the famous Sire de Join- 
ville, the companion and historian of St Louis. 23 

The Castle of Trim, with Matilda's moiety of the Lordship and 
lands, descended to the family of Mortimer, by the marriage of 
Joan, granddaughter of Geoffry and Matilda, to Eoger Mortimer, 

21 Cal. Gormanston Begister, pp." 7, 178, etc. Henry III, in 1252, 
allows Geoffrey de Geynvill and Matilda de Lacy his wife to exercise in 
their lands " the liberties by their own writs/' which Walter de Lacy 
was accustomed to rise. 

22 Journal B. S. A. I. for 1895, p. 317. 

23 Cal. Gormanston Begister, p. 5, and Sweetman, Cal. passim. The 
statement of Matthew Paris (followed by others) that Matilda married 
" Peter de Geneve, a native of Provence," seems without foundation. 


Earl of March. Anne Mortimer, sister and eventually sole heir of 
Edmund Mortimer, 5th Earl of March, succeeded afterwards to 
the Trim Lordship, which was finally inherited by Richard 
riantagenet, Duke of York, the son of Anne Mortimer by her 
marriage with Richard Plantagenet, Earl of Cambridge. 

Richard, Duke of York, also succeeded to the Earldom of Ulster, 
(of the second creation) through his mother, Anne Mortimer. 
Anne was the granddaughter, and finally heiress, of Edmund 
Mortimer, Earl of March, and also Earl of Ulster, in right of his 
wife, Philippa, only child of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, by Elizabeth, 
<laughter and heiress of William de Burgh, 3rd Earl of Ulster. When 
the son and heir of this Richard of York came to the throne in 1460, 
as Edward IV, the Earldom of Ulster and the Trim moiety of the 
Meath Lordship were merged in the Crown. 24 

The moiety of Meath, of which the Caput was Loughseady, 
descended from Margaret de Lacy to the Talbots Earls of Shrews- 
bury, and was resumed by Henry VIII under the Statute of 
Absentees. 25 

We now come to the descendants of Hugh de Lacy, second son 
of Hugh, first Lord of Meath. Hugh II was created Earl of Ulster 
in 1205, by Charter of John — the earliest example, as Lynch points 
out, of a recorded grant creating a dignity in Ireland. John 
de Courcy whose possessions Hugh de Lacy II thus acquired, does 
not appear to have obtained any formal grant of the Earldom. The 
text of Hugh's grant may be seen in the Calendar of the Gormans- 
ton Register (page 141). For our purposes it may only be noted 
that the grant of the dignity is to heirs general. 

Earl Hugh married (1) (circ 1194) Lesceline, daughter of 
Bertram de Verdon, 26 and (2) Emmeline, daughter of Walter de 
Riddlesford. Neither Dugdale, in his Baronage nor the Dictionary 
of National Biography (tit. De Lacy), mention the De Verdon 
marriage, though there are clear records of it. 27 

Statements as to the issue of these marriages made by Baron 
Finglas, and repeated by Ware, Cox, 'Donovan, Lodge, Butler, 
and by the usually accurate Lynch, have recently been proved by 
Mr H. J. Knox and Mr Orpen to be inaccurate. They have shown 
the incorrectness of the statement that Hugh Earl of Ulster had 

'olfoi 1 ' Pp - U3 > U6 > Com Plete Peerage, by Gibbs, 2nd Ed., vol. iii, 
pp. 245, 24b. 

ll/ 5 28 Heniy C ' " i; Falkiner ' s BUstmtlons of Irish History, p. 

20 See Notes and Queries, 11, sec. ix, pp. 130, 255, &c, and 11 sec x 
p. 54, tor correspondence re Lesceline de Verdon 

J 1 S TT e r tn i ai \i Ca b h P - 200 T '; 6V ' ? - Go™- KtO; PP- 3 and 144: Orpen, 
Ireland Under the Normans, II, p. 121. 


a daughter and heiress, Matilda, who married Walter de Burgh, 
and that thus Walter (in right of his wife) and his descendants 
obtained the Earldom of Ulster. Contemporary evidence is want- 
ing that Walter de Burgh married a daughter of Hugh de Lacy, 
and there is positive proof that Matilda, eldest daughter of Hugh 
married David, Baron of Naas. It is, moreover, clear that, even 
if Walter de Burgh had married a daughter of Hugh, he did not 
obtain Ulster in right of his wife, for Hugh de Lacy died in 1242, 
and it was not until 1264 that Walter obtained Ulster, and that 
appears to have been by a special grant, 28 

There are other difficulties as to the alleged acquisition, jure 
uxoris, of the Earldom by Matilda de Burgh, even if the unrecorded 
marriage with a De Lacy were a fact. 

In the first place, Hugh de Lacy II had two other daughters 
named in the annexed pedigree, so that Walter de Burgh's sup- 
posed wife could not have been sole heiress ; and the title was never 
called out of abeyance. Secondly, the lands of the Earldom were 
clearly not inherited by any of the daughters of Hugh de Lacy. 

In those days, when importance was attached to tenure, the 
fact that the feodum, had gone would have been an insuperable bar 
-to the sequence of the dignity, though the grant, as I have pointed 
out, was to heirs general. 

In Appendix H to the 4th volume of the Complete Peerage 
(Ed. Gibbs) (p. 655 n) it seems to be conclusively shown that the 
title of Earl could certainly pass through an heiress to her descen- 
dants, and probably also could pass to an heiress direct, but that 
what really mattered was the inheritance of the lands. If the 
estates of the Earldom were for any reason lost, the Earldom was 
lost, at any rate in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 

In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries we find the importance 
of tenure ceasing, and we have thus the example, already referred 
to, of the Earldom of Ulster passing through (1) the heiress of the 
De Burghs, (2) the 'heiress of the Mortimers, though the lands were 
retained by the heir male of the Clanricardes. 

Though Ulster was restored to Hugh de Lacy in 1227, 29 it would 
seem to have been for his life only, (under some special arrange- 
ment); for this territory was in the King's hands from Hugh's 
death in 1242 until 1254, when it was granted to the King's son, 
Edward, who had possession until 1264, when (as we have stated) 
Walter de Burgh by a new grant obtained the lands and Earldom. 30 

£ Journal B.S:A L, 1898, p. 414, Ibid., vol. xliii (1913), p. 34 &c 
i9 Gal. Gormanston Register, p 142 

3" Orpen, The Earldom of Ulster, Journal R.S.A.I., vol. xliii, pp. 


Matilda, the eldest daughter of Hugh de Lacy, Earl of Ulster, 
married (as before stated) David Fitzwilliam, 3rd Baron of Naas. 
From this marriage were ultimately descended (in the female line) 
the Prestons of Gormanston, who thus represent the senior co- 
heiress of the Barony of Naas, and also (as the editors of the 
Gormanston Register point out) Matilda, the senior co-heiress of 
the senior male line of Maurice FitzGerald, first Baron of Naas, the 
senior line of the Irish FitzGeralds. 31 

It is noticeable that though the original grant of the Earldom of 
Ulster was to heirs general, no claim to the Earldom seems ever to 
have been made by the Prestons of Gormanston, who represented 
the senior co-heiress. Sir Christopher de Preston, who married that 
co-heiress, and by his compilation of the Register showed his great 
interest in the descent and honours of his family, would not have 
been slow to assert his wife's rights, if he had thought them valid. 
He may have been well aware of some of the facts we have stated ; 
in particular, he would certainly know that his ancestor, Matilda 
de Lacy, never inherited the lands which were the feodum of the 
Earldom of Ulster. 

Two other sons of Hugh de Lacy are also mentioned. The 
Dictionary of National Biography infers that they were probably 
illegitimate because they did not inherit their father's lands or 
Earldom, but this inference seems too sweeping, in view of the 
special arrangement in respect of the Ulster lands to which we have 
already referred. They may have predeceased their father, but 
they were certainly alive in 1226. 32 

Hugh de Lacy II does not seem to have had any children by 
his second wife, Emmeline de Riddlesford, and I cannot find 
authority for the statement in the Dictionary of National Biography 
which implies that there were such children. Emmeline re-married 
with Stephen de Longespee, apparently under strong pressure from 
the King. The record of the King's mandate on the matter is in- 
structive, as showing the ancient power of interference in certain 
social relationships : — 

" The King to the Justiciary of Ireland. 

" By the law and custom of Ireland the King may distrain 
widows by their lands to take husbands of the King's choice, pro- 
vided the widows be not disparaged. Mandate that if A [meline], 

31 C. Gormanston Register, pp. xi, xii, and p. 146. A moiety of the 
Baronies of Naas and Loundres is stated by Lynch to have been in- 
herited by Sir Robert Barnewell, 1st Lord Trimleston in right of his 
wife. Lynch, Legal Institutions, p. 181. Raymond le Gros, who was of 
the senior line of the descendants of Nesta, died without issue, and the 
Barons o± Knocktopher, also of this senior line, became extinct in 1247. 
bee Journal of R.S.A.I., vol. xxii (1892), p. 358 

?2 Sweetman, Cal. J). /., no. 1372 



who was the wife of Hugh de Lacy, will not take for her husband 
Stephen de Longespee, as the King hath requested her, the 
Justiciary shall distrain her to do so, according to the Custom of 
Ireland." 33 

To return to the history of other issue of Hugh de Lacy (I) Lord 
of Meath. We have seen that Hugh had a son, William, by his 
second wife, the daughter of Roderic O'Conor, King of Connaught. 
O'Donovan, in his notes to the Four Masters (sub anno 1186), 
quotes the authority of Duald Macfirbis for the statement that 
Pierce Oge Lacy of Bruff, Co. Limerick, a leading rebel against 
Elisabeth at the end of the sixteenth century, was eighteenth in 
descent from the above-named William de Lacy. 

This descent is also referred to in Lenihan's History of Limerick 
and in the Dictionary of National Biography, with an allusion to a 
printed sketch pedigree in the British Museum, which in all 
material parts is here reproduced. This pedigree seems to have 
been compiled in 1847, largely from hearsay and family tradition, 
and may be accurate in recording descents from the sixteenth 
century onwards, but does nothing to help us to fill the gap between 
William de Lacy, who died in 1233, and Pierce Oge Lacy, who died 
in 1601. That gap would seem difficult, if not impossible, to fill up. 
I have been unable to find any evidence that the descendants of 
William de Lacy (if any) ever settled in the County Limerick, or 
that the Limerick Lacys had any connection with the great family 
who came over with the Conqueror. 

If we may judge the accuracy of this sketch pedigree by other 
statements in it, its historical value is of small account. It asserts 
that " from said Walter Lacy (Lord of Meath) descended Hugh 
Lacy, the Protestant (sic) Bishop of Limerick in the time of Queen 
Mary, who refused to take the oath and was imprisoned in 1577." 
As a matter of fact, Hugh Lacy, Bishop of Limerick, was not only 
not a Protestant, but was imprisoned and deprived of his Bishopric 
by Henry VIII for refusing to subscribe to the King's supremacy. 
Restored under Mary, he was again driven from his See by Eliza- 
beth, put to prison for adhering to the Roman Catholic faith, and 
died there. 34 

Field Marshal, Count Peter de Lacy (1678-1751) named in the 
pedigree, distinguished himself in the Russian service, especially 
at the battle of Pultowa, and the Conquest of the Crimea in 1737. 
This Field-Marshal's son, Joseph Francis Maurice, Count de Lacy, 
had an equally distinguished military career in the Austrian ser- 

33 Sweetman, Col. D. I., i. 2600. 

34 Spicilegium Ossoriense, by Cardinal Moran, vol. i, p. 84; vol. iii, 
p. 36. Our Martyrs, by Rev. Denis Murphy, S.J., p. 96. 


vice; was created a Field-Marshal in 1762, and died in Vienna in 
1801. A cousin of the above, General Maurice de Lacy of Grodno, 
after a long military career in Russia, died in 1820 unmarried. 

Though we have not the clear proof of the descent of these 
Russian and Austrian Generals from the Limerick Lacys, who 
were established at Bruff, Ballingarry, and elsewhere in County 
Limerick in the sixteenth century, it is possible, nay probable, that 
such proofs of descent were forthcoming before admission to the 
rank of commissioned officers in the Russian and Austrian services. 

The Limerick Lacys seem to have disappeared in that county 
(as men of consequence at any rate) after the Cromwellian and 
Williamite confiscations, the last one of note being Lacy of Kil- 
mallock, who was one of the Supreme Council of Kilkenny in 1647, 
Lieutenant-Colonel of Cavenagh's Infantry in King James's Army, 
and M.P. for Kilmallock in James's Parliament. 3 " 

General de Lacy Evans, who was on Wellington's staff at 
Waterloo, and commanded the Second Division in the Crimea, is 
stated to be descended in the female line from the Limerick Lacys. 
An account of theDe Lacy-Evans family is to be found in O'Hart. 36 

We have dealt on the improbability of the Limerick Lacys 
being descended from the Meath De Lacys, amongst other reasons, 
inasmuch as there is no evidence that any member of the latter 
family ever settled in County Limerick. If one may speculate in 
this matter, it is possible that the Limerick Lacys have a different 
origin — namely, from the family of De Lees, whose name from an 
early Norman period down to the reign of Henry YI, constantly 
appears in documents and records as belonging to the County 
Limerick. 37 The Lacys of Bruff, Bruree, spelt their name in the 
sixteenth century, Leash, Leashe as well as Lacy, and Leash may 
be a corruption of Lees. But this is mere surmise. 38 

If I have failed to find the chain of male descent between the 
Limerick Lacys, or other Irish branches of the name, and the great 
feudal lords of Meath and Ulster, I should be slow to state that the 
link may not somewhere be found. Possibly in the Austrian and 
Russian archives materials may be found to fill up the gap, and at 
at any rate to throw further light on the history of the Limerick 
Lacys. We must remember, however, that the rules which 

35 D'Alton. King James, Army List, vol. ii, p. 389. 

36 Irish Landed Gentry, &c, p. 625. See also Webb, Irish Biography, 

37 See Black Book of Limerick; Lynch, p. 310, &c. 

38 MacGeoghegan (History of Ireland, p. xx), writing in 1762, speak- 
ing of the Limerick Lacys, leaves it an open question as to whether 
they descend from the Irish or English De Lacys; " ils sont en etat de 
monter leur genealogie a l'mie ou V autre des deux maisons dont on vient 
de rendre compte i.e., either to Walter or Ilbert de Lacy, both com- 
panions of William the Conqueror. 


required proof of "noblesse " for teh rank of officer in European 
Courts, were not probably as strictly enforced in the case of the 
y Wild Geese " and other exiles, as in the case of natives of France, 
Spain, Austria and Russia, in the countries of their own allegiance. 
For most exiled Irish officers in a foreign land it would have been 
impossible in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to furnish 
strict proof of their right to bear arms, stripped as they were of their 
possessions, papers, and title deeds. 

There was another family of De Lacys settled from an early 
period at Rathwire, which was granted to Robert de Lacy by Hugh 
Lord of Meath, as set out in the Song of Dermot. 

Eathwire is in the parish of Killucan, Barony of Farbill, County 
Westmeath, and Mr Orpen informs us that the mote and founda- 
tions of the Castle still remain. Robert was probably a kinsman 
of Hugh, though the exact relationship is not known. Eobert was 
one of the Barons of Meath mentioned in King John's mandates 
in 1200 and 1207 (Sweetman, Cal. Docts. Ireland, 134, 329), and 
the Lacys of Eathwire seem to have been amongst the Chief Lords 
of the Pale some half century or more after the extinction of the 
male line of the first Lord of Meath. 

Walter Lacy of Eathwire was summoned to Wogan's Parlia- 
ment in 1295, and Walter and Hugh to the Council or Parliament 
that was held in Kilkenny in 1310. 39 At various dates from 1309 
onwards their possessions at Rathwire and elsewhere were con- 
fiscated as they were " in rebellion with the Scots." Their in- 
trigues with Bruce, and their rising against the King, seem to have 
been partly inspired by their discontent at seeing the great Lord- 
ship of Meath, founded by their kinsman, handed over to the 
De Verdons and De Gennevilles, through failure of heirs male of 
the head of the house. 

In the Patent Rolls of 11 Ed. II appear various entries showing 
re-grants of lands in the Counties of Dublin, Meath, and else- 
where, forfeited by the De Lacys of Rathwire, and the Sheriffs 
of various counties were ordered to seize the goods, chattels, and 
bodies of Walter, Hugh, and Almeric de Lacy and of Walter de 
Blund. 40 As a family we can trace them no more. The name of 
Lacy does not occur in the Chancery Inquisitions 41 from Elizabeth 
to William and Mary for Leinster, under Dublin, Meath, Kildare, 
or King's County; but in Co. Westmeath it appears that Edward 
Lacy was, before 1629, seized of messuages and lands at Ballratn,. 
near Clonlost, and at Blackcastle. 

Lynch, pp. 309, 313. 

Gal. Hot. Pat., Cancell. Hib., nos. 114, 193, 195, 202. 
Chancery Inquisitions, James I, a.d. 1629. 


In 1242, after seventy years of semi-regal state and power, the 
great De Lacy houses of Meath and Ulster became extinct in the 
male line, sharing the fate of the family of Marshall and so many 
other Norman chiefs in Ireland. 42 In the case of the De Lacys, as 
with the Marshalls, the co-heiresses married English or foreign hus- 
bands, who, as Chief Baron Finglas laments in his Breviate, 
" having grete possessions in England of their own, regarded little 
the defence of their lands in Ireland, but took the profits of the 
same for a while as they could, and some of them never saw 
Ireland. " 

Another claim of male descent from Hugh de Lacy has been 
made on behalf of the Lynch family of Galway by O 'Flaherty and 
by Lynch, the author of Cambrensis Eversus. iS O'Flaherty 
asserts that the Lynchs descend from William de Lacy, the son 
of Hugh by Rose, the daughter of Roderic 'Conor. The Rev. M. 
Devitt seems to support this suggestion in a recent article in the 
Kildare Archaeological Journal^ recalling the fact that fixed sur- 
names were not generally adopted in the twelfth century. This 
may be true of the FitzGeralds and others, but De Lacy (though 
variously spelt Lasy, Laci, Lacey) was certainly fixed as a name 
(derived from the family Norman stronghold) several generations 
before Hugh I came to Ireland ; and Leyns or Lynch appears in the 
records as a distinctive surname from the early part of the 
thirteenth century. William de Lacy died in 1233, yet very shortly 
afterwards, as Mr Hardiman points out, the name Lynch appears 
in Galway amongst the early settlers. No reason is suggested for 
the change of name from De Lacy, and it is incredible that a family 
claiming descent from Hugh, Lord of Meath. and Justiciar, by a 
marriage with the Royal house of Connaught, would hide it under 
an altered patronjmiic. It is noticeable that Hardiman, in his 
History of Galway, gives two other descents for the Lynchs (1) 
from the Le Petits, (2) from a Governor of Lintz in Upper Austria. 
If arms tell anything in such matter, the arms of the Galway 
Lynchs, azure, a chevron between three trefoils, slipped, or, bear 
no resemblance to the Lion Ranmant of the De Lacys. 45 

There is another De Lacy descent in the female line, vouched 

42 Giraldus had noticed that " four pillars of the English Power " — 
FitzStephen, Harvey de Montmorenci, Raymond le Gros, and John 
de Courcy — had no lawful issue by their wives. He afterwards adds a 
fifth — namely, Meyler FitzHenry. 

43 Description of Connaught, Irish Archaeological Society, p. 36; 
Kirovani Vita, Meehan's Ed., p. 24. 

44 Vol. vi, pp. 269, 270. 

45 Hardiman, Galway, pp. 7 and 18; and see Rev. M. Devitt's Argu- 
ment, Journal, Kild. Arch. Soc, supra, p. 270. 



From MSS, in 
British Museum 



= Martha Feuchen de Loeser. 

' Old Patrick Lacy 
of Rathcahill. 

Survived his uncles 
and brothers. 
d. 1741. 

Tied in 

Patrick Lacy, 
of Rathcahill and 
Temple Eagleton. 
d. 1790. 
Survived his brothers 
and sisters. 

= I 

General Maurice 

of Grodno, 6. in the GreE 
Left Ireland to join h 
Generals Brown and 
Returned to Irelan 

" The last male des( 
the Great Hugh 
Governor of Ire 

Francis Mauritz (Maurice) 
Lacy, Marshal of Austria. 

d. 1801. 
Left his property to the 


de L. NASH. 

Nov. 4th, 1847 

;ceived from members of the family 


In 1242, after seventy years of semi-regal state and power, the 
great De Lacy houses of Meath and Ulster became extinct in the 
male line, sharing the fate of the family of Marshall and so many 
other Norman chiefs in Ireland. 43 In the case of the De Lacys, as 
with the Marshalls, the co-heiresses married English or foreign hus- 
bands, who, as Chief Baron Finglas laments in his Breviate, 
" having grete possessions in England of their own, regarded little 
the defence of their lands in Ireland, but took the profits of the 
same for a while as they could, and some of them never saw 
Ireland. " 

Another claim of male descent from Hugh de Lacy has been 
made on behalf of the Lynch family of Galway by O 'Flaherty and 
by Lynch, the author of Gambrensis Eversus. iS O'Flaherty 
asserts that the Lynchs descend from William de Lacy, the son 
of Hugh by Rose, the daughter of Roderic 'Conor. The Rev. M. 
Devitt seems to support this suggestion in a recent article in the 
Kildare Archaeological Journal^ recalling the fact that fixed sur- 
names were not generally adopted in the twelfth century. This 
may be true of the FitzGeralds and others, but De Lacy (though 
variously spelt Lasy, Laci, Lacey) was certainly fixed as a name 
(derived from the family Norman stronghold) several generations 
before Hugh I came to Ireland ; and Leyns or Lynch appears in the 
records as a distinctive surname from the early part of the 
thirteenth century. William de Lacy died in 1233, yet very shortly 
afterwards, as Mr Hardiman points out, the name Lynch appears 
in Galway amongst the early settlers. No reason is suggested for 
the change of name from De Lacy, and it is incredible that a family 
claiming descent from Hugh, Lord of Meath and Justiciar, by a 
marriage with the Royal house of Connaught, would hide it under 
an altered patronymic. It is noticeable that Hardiman, in his 
History of Galway, gives two other descents for the Lynchs (1) 
from the Le Petits, (2) from a Governor of Lintz in Upper Austria. 
If arms tell anything in such matter, the arms of the Galway 
Lynchs, azure, a chevron between three trefoils, slipped, or, bear 
no resemblance to the Lion Rampant of the De Lacys. 45 

There is another De Lacy descent in the female line, vouched 

42 Giraldus had noticed that " four pillars of the English Power " — 
FitzStephen, Harvey de Montmorenci, Raymond le Gros, and John 
de Courcy — had no lawful issue by their wives. He afterwards adds a 
fifth — namely, Meyler FitzHenry. 

43 Description of Connaught, Irish Archaeological Society, p. 36; 
Kirovani Vita, Median's Ed., p. 24. 

44 Vol. vi, pp. 269, 270. 

43 Hardiman, Galway, pp. 7 and 18; and see Rev. M. Devitt's Argu- 
ment, Journal, Kild. Arch. Soc, supra, p. 270. 

PEDIGREE SKETCH of the Family of DE LACY, and of GENERAL 

"oToVKBfc*"' 7 of 


ask - ^s«^f 


Returned ( o Ireland 1793-3. 



(C. un LACY XASH. > 



for by Lodge, which presents some difficulties. 46 He states that 
Richard Netterville, son of Sir Formal Netterville, came to Ireland 
in the reign of Henry II, and " married Catherine, daughter of 
Hugh de Lacie, L.J. of Ireland." This daughter is not mentioned 
(as we have seen) in the previous authorities cited. Lodge pro- 
fesses to follow the family pedigree, which may be right in this 
particular, though it is obviously wrong in the case of other parts 
of the early descent, for the reasons stated in Archdall's note. 

There is, however, other authority for a De Lacy descent in this 
family, of an official character, in the following recital to the 
Patent creating the Peerage in 1622, the original of which is in the 
possession of the writer. 

Translation: — " James by the Grace of God, &c, . . . duly 
considering that our beloved Nicholas Netterville of Dowth in the 
County of Meath ... .is born and descended from an ancient 
race and illustrious stock, and that the first progenitor (primus 
antecessor) of that family in the Kingdom of Ireland, being the 
grandson (Nepos) 47 of Hugh de Lacy, formerly Earl of Ulster, and 
Lord of Connaught and Meath, .... under the auspices of our 
illustrious ancestors, sailed (transfretavit) to the aforesaid Kingdom 
of Ireland, for the purpose of bringing that nation under the yoke 
and allegiance of the Royal Crown, and there with the said Hugh 
de Lacy performed the greatest services; from the time of which 
conquest the ancestors of the aforesaid Nicholas Netterville have 
to this day held the ancient inheritance at the time bestowed on 
them for their deserts." 

Seeing that this recited De Lacy descent is in some measure 
made a foundation for the grant of the peerage, presumably there 
was an official investigation of the matter; and it is to be noticed 
that it appears on the face of the Patent that it was enrolled in the 
office of the Auditor by Sir James Ware, the ' antiquarian ana 
historian, in 1628. 48 . 

The Hugh de Lacy referred to in the Patent is probably Hugh I, 
Lord of Meath, inasmuch as the " primus antecessor " of the 

* 6 Lodge's Peerage, by Archdall, 1781, vol. iv, p. 202, tit. " Viscount 

47 " Nepos " is thus translated " Grandson " in the Report of the 
Attorney- and Solicitor-General on the peerage claim in 1829, but 
" nepos " may also mean " nephew/ 1 and has been used to mean 


48 Hugh de Lacy is described in the Patent as Earl of Ulster and Lord 
of Meath and Connaught. The first Hugh de Lacy was not Earl of 
Ulster, nor Lord of Connaught. Confusion of the titles of the elder and 
younger Hugh has frequently been made— e.g., by Walter Harris, and in 
our own day by Gilbert, (Viceroys), and by Stokes, Anglo-Norman 
Church, p. 235. 


Nettervilles must have been contemporaneous with, or have been 
in Ireland prior to, 1207, when it is recorded that Luke de Netter- 
ville was Archdeacon of Armagh, or, at any rate, prior to 1217, 
when this Luke was appointed Archbishop of Armagh. It appears 
also that one Nicholas de Netterville witnessed a De Verdon charter 
with Luke the Archbishop, which must have been before 1226, the 
date of Luke's death. 49 Hugh de Lacy II, Earl of "Ulster, did not 
marry until 1194; and the first Netterville (consistently with the 
above dates) could hardly be " nepos " (whether nephew or grand- 
son) of the second Hugh. " Primus antecessor " may, of course, 
mean, not the first of the name who settled in Ireland, but the first 
who obtained the patrimony of Dowth, and the exact date of this 
acquisition is not known, the Patent vaguely stating that the 
possession dated " from the time of the subjugation and conquest. " 

It is to be noted that if the statement in Lodge be correct that 
Henry, father of a Nicholas Netterville, " married Agnes, daughter 
of Richard de Burgo, ancestor to the Earl of Clanricarde, " this 
shows a descent of Nicholas from Hugh de Lacy I. 50 

We have already seen that Egidia, daughter of Walter de Lacy, 
and grand-daughter of Hugh I, Lord of Meath, married Richard 
de Burgo, so that if this particular statement of Lodge be correct, 
the above-named Nicholas Netterville would be fourth in descent 
from Hugh de Lacy, Lord of Meath. The short pedigree annexed 
illustrates this. 

If " nepos " be taken in the primary sense of nephew, the solu- 
tion may be that the father of Nicholas Netterville, who witnessed 
the De Verdon charter in 1226, and possibly of Luke, Archbishop 
of Armagh (appointed 1217), may have married a sister (unre- 
corded) of Hugh de Lacy, Lord of Meath. 

Hugh de Lacy I, 

Lord of Meath 

Walter de Lacy, Lord of Meath, m. before 1200 Hugh de Lacy II, 
Margaret de Braose Earl of Ulster 

Egidia--' m. Richard de Burgo 
in or before 1225 

Agnes m. Henry de Netterville 

Nicholas de Netterville. 

49 Beg. Abbey St Thomas, Dublin, ed. Gilbert, p. 43. 

50 Lodge, Peerage, by Archdale, vol. iv, p. 202. 



The following are some of the authorities consulted in compiling 
the De Lacy pedigree: — 

Dugdale, Baronage; Calendar of Gormanston Register, edited 
by James Mills and M. J. M'Enery, 1916; Eyton's Shropshire; 
Sweetman, Calendars of Documents relating to Ireland, vols, i and 
ii; Lodge's Peerage, ed. Archdall, 1789; Butler's Trim; Journal of 
the Royal Society of Antiquaries, 1913, article, " Earls of Ulster " ; 
Journal of the County Kildare Archaeological Society, vol. vi; 
Orpen, Ireland Under the Normans, 2 vols., 1911; and Song of 
Dermot and the Earl, 1892; Lynch, Feudal Tenures; Stokes, 
Anglo-Norman Church; Lenihan, History of Limerick; Dictionary 
of National Biography, sub-tit. " Lacy "; Donovan, Four Masters, 
III, and Printed Pedigree of the De Lacy family in the British 


the bell-shrine of st seanan, known as the 
clooAn 6ib 

By E. C. R. Armstrong, F.S.A., Vice-President 
[Read 2 July 1919] 

This Shrine is reputed to have been made to enclose a Bell 
traditionally said to have belonged to St Seanan, of Inis Carthaigh 
(Scattery Island), Co. Clare. 

The Shrine is not inscribed. I have not succeeded in finding any 
mention of the Bell or of its enshrining in the Irish Annals. Ancient 
lives of St Seanan, however, speak of the Bell, which was supposed 
to have descended to him from Heaven, and was called on this 
account clog na neall — i.e., the bell of the clouds. O'Hanlon 1 has 
brought together these legends in a convenient form. To his work 
reference may be made. 

The later traditions as to the custody of the Bell- Shrine have 
been printed in the Journal 2 by our President, Mr T. J. Westropp. 

The advertisement of the sale of the Shrine evoked from Mr 
H. B. Fitzgerald, of 28 Brighton Square, Rathgar, Dublin, a letter 
published in the Irish Times of 5 March, 1919, adding a different 
account of the Shrine's later history to those collected by Mr 
Westropp. From this it would seem that the Bell passed into the 
possession of Mr FitzGerald 's great-grandfather, Mr Edmund 
FitzGerald, by his marriage with Margaret, daughter of Robert 
O'Keane and Anne Creagh; it being subsequently handed 
by his grandmother, Mrs Robert FitzGerald, to Mr Robert 
O'Keane. It may be noted that Mr FitzGerald in his letter 
speaks of the " Bell it may, however, be taken that the Shrine 
is meant, as the relic has been generally known as the " Bell of St 

An advertisement announcing the sale of the Shrine appeared 
in the London Times of August 13, 1918. 

The proposed sale in London, at a public auction, of this vene- 
rated relic came as a surprise to those interested in Irish Archae- 
ology. ! 

1 Lives of the Irish Saints, iii, pp. 210-257. 

2 xxvii, p. 280; xxx, p. 237-244. Owing to the present high cost 
of printing, traditional accounts of the history of the Bell and Shrine 
that have been already published are omitted from the present paper. 

Plate VIII.] 

[To face page 133. 


When the Shrine was finally sold at Messrs. Christie & Co.'s 
in London, 6 March, 1919, it was acquired at the price of 1,250 
guineas by Mr G. W. Panter, M.A., M.R.I.A., who presented it to 
the Royal Irish Academy, to be preserved in the National Museum, 
Dublin. Mr Panter's munificence saved the Shrine from leaving 
Ireland, and has made it a lasting possession of the Irish National 

It should be mentioned that our Honorary Fellow, Sir C. H. 
Read, P.S.A., Keeper of British and Mediaeval Antiquities in the 
British Museum, assisted Mr. Panter in every way to secure the 
Shrine for Ireland. 

The miraculous Bell, which the Shrine was made to contain, has 
disappeared. In the British Museum is, however, preserved a 
small bell, labelled as having been obtained from Scattery Island, 
and as having perhaps belonged to St Seanan. 3 Mr Panter, when at 
the British Museum, compared the bell with the Shrine, and ascer- 
tained that it would not fit it, so this cannot be the bell for which 
the Shrine was made. 

The Shrine, which measures 5| inches in height, presents work- 
manship of two different periods. Temporary removal of the later 
additions shows that it appears to have been originally constructed 
as a bronze frame, bell-shaped, made in two portions, the upper to 
cover the handle, the lower to cover the body of the bell. The in- 
ternal dimensions of the mouth of the frame are 2| by If inches. 
Both faces of this frame (for it is not possible to distinguish which 
was intended for the front) are decorated with a similar scheme of 
ornament, differing merely in detail. This consists of a circular- 
centred cross, inset in silver, having expanded ends, which origin- 
ally appear to have been filled with settings of glass, though one 
only of these remains. The cross is of the. type frequently met 
with on the inscribed cross slabs at Clonmacnois; in its four 
quarters are panels filled with interlaced-zoomorphic patterns re- 
sembling those to be seen on the front of the Cross of Cong. The 
panels and expanded ends of the cross appear to have been out- 
lined in niello, most of which has perished (Plate VIII.). The 
frame is roughly cast inside; the panels appear to have been 
separately made and attached to it by rivets. 

The handle portion is ornamented on both surfaces with small 
inset panels of interlaced and zoomorphic ornament : on one face 
(Plate VIII., Fig. 1) the triquetra may be noticed. The divisions 
between the panels are marked by inset silver lines, while the 
panels appear to have also been edged with an inset of niello, 

3 See Mescal, The Story of hiis Cathaigh, 1902, p. To 


nearly all of which nas perished. The sides (Plate IX.) are roughly 
incised, on one side (Plate IX., Fig. 2) with an Ionic pilaster, 
placed ' between a number of centred circles; on the other 
(Plate IX., Fig. 1) with a plain pilaster. 

So rough is the work of these sides that it would seem probable 
that they were covered even before the attachment of the silver 
plates to be shortly described. Apparently the frame always rested 
on some kind of base, as the edge pillars at each corner of the 
Shrine do not extend the whole length of the sides, but are cut off 
almost half an inch from the base. 

A date may be proposed for the workmanship of the bronze 
frame, which apparently formed the original Shrine. Basing this 
date upon the panels (which, as has been mentioned, resemble 
those on the front of the Cross of Cong), and upon the form of the 
cross, used as a central ornament; these, taken together, would 
suggest the early portion of the twelfth century as a probable time 
for the enshrining of the Bell. 

To the second period may be assigned the workmanship of the 
silver plates, which can be seen on one surface of the Shrine, both 
sides, and one side of the handle. These plates were originally gilt ; 
probably it is on their account that the Shrine received the name 
of the Clogdn Oir — i.e., the little golden bell. 

On the silver panel (Plate X., Fig. 2), which measures 3 inches 
in length by 2 inches at the broadest part of the base, now covering 
the surface of the Shrine, the design, framed in a floral border, con- 
sists of cross-hatched background, on which, outlined in niello - 
work, are displayed two wyverns with floriated, interlaced, tails. 

The silver panel on one side (Plate X., Fig. 3) measures 3 7 ^ 
inches in length and 1 -if inches at the base. It is ornamented with 
a crowned siren outlined in niello against a cross-hatched back- 
ground, bordered at the sides by a conventional floral ornament, 
and by a linear border at the base : the panel terminates above in 
a mitred head. 

It has been suggested 4 that the panel represents St Seanan 
with the monster he is traditionally said to have banished from Inis 
Cathaigh. But sirens are not uncommonly portrayed in mediaeval 
art : they are supposed to " symbolise the power of female blandish- 
ment and the allurements of the flesh ; they are often portrayed on 
Missals and on different parts of ecclesiastical edifices. " 5 The ship 
of Ulysses sailing by the island of the sirens was transformed into 
the ship of the Church, which bears those who entrust themselves 

4 Mescal, op. tit., p. 28. 

" Evans, Animal Symbolism in Ecclesiastical Architecture, pp. 314, 

Plate IX.] 

[To face page 1-34. 

Plate X.] 

[To face page 135. 


to its care safely through the temptations of the world. Sirens are 
carved on the stalls of the chancel in the Cathedral of Poitiers, and 
in Notre Dame of Rouen ; in the Church of St Nicholas at Anclam ; 
and on the portal of the Schottenkirche in Ratisbon. 6 

The mitred head appears to be ornamental rather than sym- 
bolical. Such heads are found in the arches of other Irish Bell- 
Shrines; they can be seen on those of Maelbrigte 7 and the Corp- 

The silver plate on the other side (Plate X., Fig. 1) measures 
3 inches in length and l}-? inches at the base ; it is ornamented with a 
flory-tailed, ramping leopard, picked out in niello, set against a 
cross-hatched background. The panel is bordered on the dexter by 
a conventionalised leaf -pattern ; on the sinister and base by a re- 
curring linear ornament resembling the gables of a house. 

The panel terminates in a mitred head. In the sinister lower 
corner is a trefoil. 

The remaining half of the silver-gilt plate that now covers 
portion of the handle of the Shrine is ornamented with a floral 
design, characteristic of the Gothic period. 

It cannot be doubted that the silver-gilt plates now covering 
portions of the Shrine are later in date than the bronze frame. 

The flory-tailed wyverns may be compared with those to be seen 
on parts of the Domltnach Airgid, a Shrine, the later portions of 
which can be dated by an inscription upon it to the first half of the 
fourteenth century. The general ornamental style of the other plates 
of St Seanan's Shrine would agree with this date; it is, therefore, 
probable that it, like the Cathach Shrine, 9 the Domhnach Airgid, 10 
and the Gumdach of the Stowe Missal, 11 was re-decorated in the 
fourteenth century. At this date the typical Irish style of orna- 
mentation had been replaced by the Gothic art then prevailing in 
the rest of Europe. Such of the Irish shrines that needed re- 
edification in the fourteenth century were repaired in the style of 
that period. 

The plates illustrating the Shrine have been made from photo- 
graphs taken by the National Museum photographer, by the per- 
mission of the Acting -Director of the National Museum. 

6 Evans, Animal Symbolism in Ecclesiastical Architecture, p. 317. 

7 Journal, ante, x 3 pp. 353-356; and xlviii, pp. 180-182. 

8 Ibid., xxix, pp. 35-37. 

9 Lawlor, Proc. Boyal Irish Academy, xxxiii, Sec. C, pp. 390-396. 

10 Armstrong and Lawlor, ibid., xxxiv, Sec. 0., pp. 96-126. 

11 Warner, Henry Bradshaw Society, xxxii, 1906, pp. xliv-lviii. 



By R. J. Kelly, K.C., Member. 

[Read 30 April 1918] 

There are fe\y of the many picturesque and historical suburbs of 
Dublin, rich as it is in pleasant surroundings, that can boast of a 
more famous past, or axe more celebrated in song and story than 
Donnybrook. Its Fair has given it a notoriety, if not a fame, that 
has passed into a proverb, so that the expression " a Donnybrook 
Fair ' ' is usually associated with rows and ructions, not the gather- 
ing of merchants and traders or the bartering one sees at fairs and 
markets in these days. Yet Donnybrook for Dublin was what St 
Bartholomew's Fair was for London, which found its historian 
some years ago in Henry Morley, whose pleasant pages recount the 
wondrous doings that went on there, not always remarkable for 
" decency, decorum, and dulness," but a very lively place indeed 
for "fun and divarsion." Such, too, was Donnybrook, only it found 
itself described by men who only represented the worst features 
of the celebration. Donnybrook Fair also had another curious 
similarity to St Bartholomew's Fair at Smithfield. It commenced 
about the same time and ended almost about the same time, 
running its course with the same incidents and varying programme. 
Donnybrook, as a fair fixture, lasted for six hundred and fifty-one 
years, from the troubled reign of John to the relatively untroubled 
times of Victoria. It was the resort of the residents of Dublin and 
of strangers from the country and from other countries, who came 
to see, if not participate in, the fun and frolic, to assist in the 
revelry, either as spectators or actors — a motley gathering in every 
sense to which the verse makers of every age have given an immor- 
tality in song and print. 

Donnybrook, as measured from Anglesea Bridge (which spans 
the Dodder on the very site of the Fair) is two and a half miles from 
the General Post Office. The village passed by the tram is further 
down, and in and about the village are some of the oldest parts of 
the place, particularly the now disused cemetery, round which the 
habitations of the hamlet crowd. The Fair was founded in the 
year 1204 by Royal Charter from King John, and it endured down 
to the year 1855, when it was abolished as a " public nuisance." 


The Origin of the Name " Donnybrook." 

Before dealing with the story of the Charter a few words are 
necessary as to the debatable origin of the Irish name. It is com- 
posed of two words, " Domnagh " and " brock." We all know that 
" Domnach " or " Donagh " means a church. It originally meant 
Sunday, being derived from the Latin Dominica — the Lord's Day. 
According to the Tripartite Life, Jocelin, Usher, &c, all the 
churches in Ireland that bear the name Domhnach, or, in the 
Anglicised form, Donagh, were originally founded by St Patrick, 
and on a Sunday. For example, we read in the Tripartite Life 
" That having remained for seven Sundays in Cianachta, laid 
the foundation of seven sacred houses to the Lord, which he called 
Dominica, that is Domnach." There are nearly forty townlands in 
Ireland, says Joyce in his Irish Names of Places (p. 319), whose 
names are formed or begin with Domnagh, of which more than 
twenty are parish names. There are several Domnagh Patricks in 
the West associated with the Saint's journeyings, and two town- 
lands so called are in County Meath and County Galway. So far 
we are all agreed that Domnagh in Donnybrook means a church. 
The difficulty rises with the second part of the name " broc." This 
I cannot presume to decide, but I give some well-known 
authorities. Professor John MacNeill, Professor of Irish History 
at Dublin University College, is of opinion that broc in this 
connection means " badger," and that Donnybrook means the 
church of the badgers. " If broc were," he says, " a declinable 
personal pi.nioun the genitive case would be brick (broic), and we 
should have* D onny brick, " while from the earliest printed records 
the place is given as Donaghbroc, the last syllable having an o' 
sound as given ir the Register of All Hallows. The townland of 
Forty Acres (on which Herbert Park, &c, are built) was originally 
in the territory of Doueanach broc towards the north, as it is called 
in a Bull of Pope Gregory IX of 26th September, 1234, confirming 
the possessions of All Hallows' Priory to which the Forty Acres 
belonged. There is no Saint Broc in the Calendar, but there is a 
Saint Mobii, a nun, who is mentioned in connection with Domnach 
Broc, and her feast was on the 30th September. As patron of the 
place, she has no real competitor, though she has been confused 
with a male saint, St Mobi Clairineach (flat or table face), of Glas- 
nevin, whose feast is on October 12, and who is a much more cele- 
brated person. A holy well in the grounds of Ballinguile, the 
residence of Mr Bantry White, our Treasurer, is associated by 
tradition with St Mobii. The Most Rev. Dr Donnelly, P.P., 
D.D., Lord Bishop of Oanea, one of the Vice-Presidents, in his 


interesting historical account of Some Dublin Parishes (a series of 
excellent parish histories), gives the popularly accepted deriva- 
tion of the name. " Domnac'h Broc, the church of Broc, written by 
mediaeval scribes as Dovenach Broc or Donabrok, and now Donny- 
brook, was formerly the designation of a village of very ancient 
origin, clustered round a church founded by a holy woman named 
Broc, and dedicated according to tradition to the Blessed Mother 
of God. Mobi, a nun of Donnybrook, is noticed on September 30. 
Of St Broc and her nunnery which she established here little more is 
recorded in our Celtic Annals. St Broc was one of the seven 
daughters of Dall Bronaeh of the Desii of Brescia, in County Meatli, 
and is mentioned in the works attributed to iEngus, the Culdee." 
The learned author further says that the old Celtic church of St 
Broc occupied the site of the existing churchyard which abuts on 
the public road. 

In Notes and Queries, 2nd ser., ix, 226, of March, 1860, the late 
Dr Todd, S.F.T.C.D., wrote some interesting notes on the subject 
of the derivation of the word Donnybrook. He says the ancient 
spelling of the name was Domhnach broc or the Church of Broc, or 
St Broc, and that Domhnach is a frequent element in Irish topo- 
graphical names as Domhnagh patruic, Domhnach more, now Don- 
oghmore, and Domhnach Maighen or the Church of St Maighen, 
now Donaghmoyne. He adds that the name Broc does not occur 
in the Irish Martyrologies, but that it is mentioned in the 
unpublished work of iEngus the Culdee, On the Mothers of the 
Saints, and again in the Genealogy of the Saints of Ireland attri- 
buted to the same writer. Both of these tracts are preserved in 
the valuable MS. called the Book of Leacan in the Eoyal Irish 
Academy. As the author of these tracts flourished in the later half 
of the eighth century, St Broc must have lived in or before that 
period if the works attributed to him are genuine, as Colgan so 
treats them in the Acta Sanctorum Hibemiae. But Dr Todd says 
that it is more than probable that the names were interpolated, as 
the absence of the name from the Martyrologies and from the 
Metrical Marty rology of iEngus himself, is a curious fact which 
militates against the theory. 

In a tract, On the Mothers of the Saints, St Broc is given as a 
daughter of Dallbronach in these words : " Secht ningena la Dall- 
bronach, de quibus dicitur : Broicseach, Sanct Broc, Cumman, 
Caemell, Fainche, Findbarr, Feidelm, Secht ningena sin adeirm, 
Dallbronaigh ad feidim." The translation runs thus : Dallbronach 
had seven daughters, of whom the poet says : Broicseach, St Broc, 
Cumman, Caemel, Fainche Findbarr, Feidelm. These are the 
seven daughters I say of Dallbronach, I relate. And again in 


the, Genealogy of the Saints (Book of Leacan, folio 46 bb), we 
read: " Secht ningena Dallbronaich do Dal-Concobair las na 
Desib breg anso Broicsech, Sanct Broo," &c. The Dallbronaoh 
(Dr Todd adds) was of Dalconchobair (the territory of the Con- 
nors), in Desii of Bregia, now in the Barony of Deece, in the 
south of Meath, and also called the Desii of Tara. He concludes 
by saying that there are no records of an ancient monastic 
establishment of St Broo at Donnybrook, but that there was a 
nunnery there as evidenced by the remark in the Martyrology of 
Donegal (MS.) of the 80th September, Mobi Cailleah, Domhnaigh 
Broo (Mobi, a nun of Donnybrook). 

As to the apparent irreverence of calling a church otherwise than 
after a saint there are several instances in the country. Thus Killoe, 
in the County Longford, is " the church of the yews," Killeen is the 
little church, a name given to some hundreds of places and town- 
lands, Temple challow (the church of the callow), Kilshruley (the 
church of the stream), Kilroot (the red church), Kilrush (the church 
of the wood or peninsula), Kilcullen (the church of the holly), 
Killeagh (the church of the field). Then, as to the word " broc," 
or badger, we have several places called after that animal, such as 
Lambroc, in County Fermanagh (the house of the badgers), Clon- 
broc, in County Galway (the meadow of the badgers), Meeabrock 
(the mountain meadow of the badgers). Then in Brockagh, Brock - 
brocdey, Brockernagh, Brockra, Brockley, Bracklagh, situate in 
various parts of the country, all connected with the badgei\ 

With these remarks I must leave the question of the origin of 
the name with the remark that the preponderance of proof and 
probability leans to the derivation that it was the " church of the 
badger. ' ' 

As to the antiquity of the place, I find that Walter de Eidles- 
ford, who got extensive grants at Bray and Castledermot from 
Strongbow, says that the church at Donnybrook was dedicated to 
St Mary, and later on Archbishop Allen gives no patron saint's 
name for Donnybrook in the Bepertorium Viride. He states that 
in Archbishop Luke's time (1228-55) it ranked as a rectory, and 
was by that Archbishop ' reduced to a chapel subject to Tachney 
(Taney) along with Eathfarnham and Kilgobbin. In 1228-55 the 
old church of Donnybrook, we find, was dedicated to St Mary, as 
appears from an award of Archbishop Comyn. Part of the parish 
of Taney was separated from it and conferred by Archbishop 
Luke upon his chaplain, William de Eomney. It was subsequently 
reduced and made part of Taney and portion of the Archdeaconry. 
Then we have Donnybrook in other parts of the country not con- 
nected with St Broc. In the Alphabetical Index of the Toivnlands 


and Towns of Ireland, published with the Census of 1851, will 
be found four Donnybrooks given, one in County Clare, in Bun- 
ratty, one in Tipperary County, in Ballymacdey parish, and two 
Donnybrooks, East and West, comprising 154 acres 1 rood and 15 
perches, in the County of Dublin. 

The Foundation of the Famous Fair. 

By a Charter of Prince John to the City of Dublin, bearing date 
1192, in which the Dother (the Dodder) and its course from Donny- 
brook to the sea is prescribed as part of the boundaries of the 
liberties of the city (the tide went by the present Seaview Avenue 
in Ailesbury Road), the Fair was established. A letter from King 
John, written in 1204 to Meyler FitzHenry, and preserved in the 
Tower of London, as translated from the original Latin by the late 
Dr Percival Wright, of Floraville, Donnybrook, contains a refer- 
ence to the Fair at Doniburn. It runs thus : — 

" FitzHenry, Justiciary of Ireland, greeting. You have in- 
formed us that you have not a place where our treasure can be 
deposited with you. And because as well for this as for other 
necessary purposes we should have a fortress at Dublin, we direct 
you that you cause a castle to be built there in such place as shall 
seem to you most suitable for the government of the city, and if 
necessary for its defence, as strongly as you can, with good ditches 
and strong walls, and that in the first instance you make a tower 
where the castle and bawn and other appurtenances may most con- 
veniently be erected. And also we have commanded you that you 
should take poundage fees for this purpose as you have written to 
us, and that for the present you take 300 marks from E. Fitz- 
Roberts which he owes us. We have also commanded our citizens 
of Dublin by letters patent that they fortify their city, and you, 
if they be unwilling, must compel them to do so. We will also that 
there be a fair at Doniburn annually to continue for eight days on 
the feast of the Invention of the Holy Cross, another at St John 
the Baptist's Bridge, likewise for eight days; allowing then the 
like tollage and tolls ; another at Waterford on the feast of St Peter 
in Chains, another at Limerick on the feast of St Martin for eight 
days; and we command you that you cause it to be done and pro- 
clamation made that all merchants should come thither willingly. 
Witness. " 

King John's letter to the Archbishop in 1214 on the Close Roll 
of the Tower grants to the citizens the right to hold a fair within 
their bounds for eight days, " with all free liberties and customs to 
such fair belonging, as you shall permit them to enjoy." 

The patent of J ohn was the origin of the famous fair, and a sub- 


sequent letter of the King in 1215 extended the grant from seven 
to fifteen days, saving to the Archbishop the said fair for the first 
two days the tolls thereof, which right of tollage he does not seem 
to have ever cared to enforce. 

By a Charter dated 1241 of the 26th of Henry III, John's grant 
was confirmed to the citizens of Dublin and their heirs, who had 
the right for ever to have a fair at Dublin within their bounds every 
year for fifteen days, that is on the vigil, the day, and the morrow 
of the Translation of St Thomas the Martyr and for twelve days 
following which they had theretofore had by grant of King John 
his father, beginning at the Feast of the Invention of the Holy 
Cross, for fifteen days, saving to the Archbishop of Dublin and his 
successors the aforesaid fair for two days, that is to say, the vigil 
of the said Translation and the day of the same ; therefore the King 
willed and firmly commanded for him, his heirs and successors for 
ever that his said citizens of Dublin and their heirs for ever should 
have a fair for ever within their bounds every year for fifteen days' 
duration, that is to say, on the vigil, the day, and morrow of the 
Translation of St Thomas the Martyr, and for twelve days follow- 
ing which they hitherto had by grant of the Lord John the King his 
father, commencing on the vigil of the Invention of the Holy, Cross 
for fifteen days' duration, saving the Venerable Father the Lord 
Archbishop of Dublin and his successors for the said two days, that 
is to say, the vigil and the day of the Translation aforesaid. Witness 
the Bishop of Worcester, Richard le Clare, Earl of Gloucester and 
Hertford, Master William de Kilkenny, the Archdeacon of 
Coventry. Given under the King's hand, 28th May, 1241. 

By a Charter of Edward I, dated 1279— 8th of Edward— the 
time for the commencing of the fair was further postponed at the 
instance of the citizens and for their greater convenience, as stated 
in the document, to the eve of the Translation of St Benedict the 
Abbot, in July, to be held for the said period of fifteen days. It is 
due to say that the Archbishop does not seem to have exercised his 
right to the two days' tolls. In the Report of the Committee for 
the Abolition of the Fair we read that : ' ' The Corporation of the 
City of Dublin (in 1697) having in the course of time absolutely dis- 
posed of their right of holding the fair with the tolls and customs 
thereof under the above charters, the same upon the death of Henry 
Ussher (the preceding proprietor) in the year 1756, made a lease 
thereof to the late Joseph Madden of Donnybrook, and in the year 
1812 the then baronet absolutely assigned same for ever to the late 
John Madden, his (Joseph's) son, by the representatives of whom 
and of Peter Madden, his brother, the same were conveyed in the 
year 1855 to the Right Hon. John Boyce, then Lord Mayor of the 


City of Dublin, and Edward Wright,. Esq., LL.D., in trust for the 
Committee then formed for the abolition of the said Donnybrook 
Fair and for their fellow-citizens subscribing to the contribution." 

Thus was the fair, after having existed for 651 years, abolished, 
and it must, in candour and honesty, be admitted that it was a good 
riddance. It certainly became a carnival of every sort of dissipation 
and immorality. 

The committee acted wisely and patriotically, and they saved 
the now respectable district of Donnybrook from an awful reputa- 
tion. In the circular they issued we learn that: " The annals 
of social and commercial life in this metropolis afford sad and 
abundant records of the ruin and degradation which, dating their 
commencement with a visit to the fair, have befallen many who 
once enjoyed a character for industry and morality, and who, but 
for the contamination there contracted, might still have enjoyed 
it. The fact that large sums of money are annually drawn from 
the savings banks to be squandered at the fair, that every anniver- 
sary is followed by a fearful increase of disease, as attested by the 
hospital and dispensary reports, and that the amount of crime, as 
shown by the police reports, is fearfully augmented, afford conclu- 
sive evidence as to the vast amount of social mischief generated on 
these occasions. Deluded by the special show of recreation and 
amusement, multitudes are caught in the meshes of temptation, 
and allured into the snares of vice. Servants, mechanics, trades- 
men, and even clerks and shopmen, all in respectable employment, 
have been thus led into courses which have entailed the loss of 
situation, the forfeiture of character, and consequent misery to 
themselves and their families. To the young of both sexes it has 
been the source of evil, whilst to young females especially it has 
proved an easy descent into the depths of infamy and shame. 
Happily an opportunity for putting an end to the occasion of these 
evils now presents itself. The proprietors of the patent under 
which the fair is held are willing to surrender their claims for 
£3,000, a sum which, if considered in relation to their vested in- 
terests, is fair and reasonable, if compared with the amount of good 
to be accomplished, is trifling and insignificant." 

The patent was purchased by these public-spirited citizens of 
Dublin, headed by the Lord Mayor and residents of Donnybrook, 
but an obstinate woman, who had a field in the place and a public 
house near, persisted in having the fair on her premises for the good 
of the house, but in the end she had to give it up, as the magistrates 
properly refused to grant a renewal of a licence to Miss Eliza 
Dillon, and, with the abolition of her licence, went away the last 
remnant of the fair, 



It may be interesting to quote some of the tolls exacted at the 
fair: — " For every horse, mare, mule, gelding, or ass sold, 6d. ; for 
every do. swopped or exchanged, 6d. each; for every cow, bullock, 
or bull sold, 4d. ; for every do., two-year-old, sold, 3d.; for every 
do., one year old, sold, 2d.; for every sheep, pig, or calf sold, Id. 
Hawkers pay, according to the articles they have to sell, from 2d. 
to Is. Standings, according to the ground they occupy, from 6d. 
to 3s." 

But one must give the other, or jovial, side of the picture in 
fairness and justice. 

Sir Jonah Barrington, in his Person. Recollections, vol. hi, pp. 
230-259, gives an account of his visit to Donnybrook Fair in 1790, 
and Crofton Croker, Popular Songs of Ireland, pages 112-117, 
193-198, has the metrical praise of the Fair. Lysaght in his " Sprig 
of Shillelagh and Shamrock so Green," says: — 

" Who ever has the luck to see Donnybrook Fair? 
An Irishman all in his glory is there, 
With his sprig of shillelagh and shamrock so green ! 
His clothes spick and span new without e'er a speck, 
A neat Barcelona tied round his white neck. 
He goes to a tent and he spends a half-crown; 
He meets with a friend, and for love knocks him down, 
With his sprig of shillelagh and shamrock so green." 

In the Anthologia Hibernica, vol. i, p. 31, is an " Ode to 
Donnybrook, ' ' and it is quoted by Crofton Croker. It runs : — 

Donnybrook Fair. 1 

Muse that on Dodder's sedgy banks 
With Alpheus lov'st to sport, 
And titter at the young trout's pranks 
And teach the grown to court, 

Assist my lays, 

Inspire the praise 
Of thy most favoured haunt, 

The scene of bliss 

To many a miss 
And many a spruce gallant. 

1 Anthologia Hibernica, June 1793, p. 466, 


My fancy kindles at the thought, 
And mounting like a blazing squib, 
Across the village takes a vault, 
And darts into a tea-house crib. 

See Harlequin beckoning, 

'Tis the grotto of ease, 

If you pay but the reckoning, 

You may do as you please. 
The youths are more hot than the pieclates they swallow, 
And the nymphs are so fair that their bloom appears sallow. 

But hark ! amid their frolic play, 
A mingled noise astounds, 
As if all Bedlam pass'd that way 
A-hunting with mad hounds; 
Or as if Noah's ark had formed 
A national convention, 

Where birds and beasts and women stormed 
With equal, free dissension. 

Ah ! muse debonnair, 

Let us haste to the fair: 

'Tis the Donnybrook tapsters invite; 

Men, horses, and pigs 

Are running such rigs 

As the cockles of your heart would delight. 

Such crowding and jumbling, 

Such leaping and tumbling, 

And kissing and fumbling, 

And drinking and swearing, 

And carving and tearing, 

And scrambling and winning, 

And righting and flinging, 

And fiddling and singing. 
Old Dodder enchanted refuses to flow, 
But his mouth waters fast at each kiss and each blow. 

But Ah ! how false the joys we so desire. 
Like Jack o' lanterns gleaming in the bogs. 
That souse the silly traveller in the mire, 
Making him look like one of Circe's hogs. 
The Lord Mayor comes, 

With all his Bums, 

Pulls down the tents, 

Nor e'er relents 



Till all the jolly blades and wenches frisky 
Are forced — sad reverse I 
Which grieves me to rehearse — 
To Bridewell and water from the fair and whiskey. 

And now a melancholy stillness reigns 
Around the black and desolated plains, 
Save that from yonder birchen-furnish'd hall 
Some bum-flogged schoolboy sends a dismal bawl, 
Or mimic thunder from Anne Ville's rolled, 
FVged by the force of fulminating gold, 

The muse's veins 

Are filled with pains ; 
A torpid dullness o'er her creeps, 
She nods — she sinks — she sleeps. 

Crofton Croker, in his description of Donny brook, gives a 
^description of the fair from the pen of Prince Puckler Muskan, 
which stands in cold contrast to the perfervid poetic allusions, and 
is probably a faithful account of what was witnessed by an intelli- 
gent foreigner : — 

" I rode out again to-day," says the Prince, " for the first time 
tto see the fair at Donnybrook, which is a kind of popular festival. 
Nothing, indeed, could be more national. The poverty, the dirt, 
and the wild tumult were as great as the glee and the merriment 
with which the cheapest pleasures were enjoyed. I saw things 
eaten and drunk with delight which forced me to turn my head 
quickly away to remain master of my disgust. Heat and dust, 
■crowd and stench (il faut le dire) made it impossible to stay longer, 
ibut those do not annoy the natives. There were many hundred 
tents, all ragged like the people, and adorned with tawdry rags 
instead of flags. Many contented themselves with a cross on a 
harp. One had hoisted a dead and half putrid cat as a sign ! The 
lowest sort of rope dancers and posture makers exercised their toil- 
some vocation on stages of planks and dressed in shabby finery, 
dancing and grimacing in the dreadful heat till they were com- 
pletely exhausted. A third part of the public lay or rather rolled 
about drunk; others ate, screamed, shouted, and fought. The 
women rode about, sitting two or three upon an ass, pushing their 
way through the crowd, smoked with great delight, and coquetted 
with their sweethearts, &c, &c. My reverence for truth, he adds, 
compels me to add that not the slightest trace of English brutality 
was to be perceived; they were more like the French people, 
though their gaiety was mingled with more humorous and more 



genuine good nature, both of which are national traits of the Irish,, 
and are always doubled by poteen." 

A right to hold the fair for the fifteen days was held to include- 
a right to hold it on Sundays, and this led to a desecration of the 
Sabbath, which made its abolition still more desirable. The- 
Maddens had a dispute with the Lord Mayor on the subject. The- 
chief magistrate prohibited Sunday fairs, and the Maddens 
appealed to the Lord Lieutenant, who upheld the Lord Mayor,, 
and said ' ' there was no doubt that he would exercise these duties, 
in this instance as he has on all other occasions with propriety and: 
discretion." And so the fair disappeared and became a thing of 
the past, but in justice to Donnybrook it must be observed that the- 
re velry and ructions there were akin, and perhaps not as bad as 
what occurred in Smithfield in London on St Bartholomew's Fair,, 
when similar popular excesses went on until that city also had to 
abolish the practices. Henry Morley's account of St Bartholo- 
mew's Fair leaves little doubt that it was equal in excess to Donny- 
brook. The old writers of the English traduced the poor Irish- 
peasantry there, and the accounts had the venom of slander and 
politics about it as when in the play of the Irish Expedition the 
author apologised for introducing one Irishman who was honest and 
brave. The English Fair lasted for nearly the same time, and was 
abolished in 1850. 

In 1818 the Grand Duke Michael visited Donnybrook on 27th. 
August, and the newspaper says was " much gratified with the 
amusements, which were as usual knocks down for love and cut 
heads, with the usual accompaniment of picking pockets, remind- 
ing him of the fair of Novogorod, I should say. " Faulkner's Dublhv 
Journal, of 3rd September, 1799, asked the public not to suffer the 
continuance of this nuisance. It will probably last, it says, until 
it shall grow into such an enormity of riot and outrage as shall 
cure itself as it did many years after. Button's Survey of the. 
County Dublin in 1802 speaks of it as a nuisance and a most dan- 
gerous one ; as the recruiting service is at an end, that excuse can no 
longer be used. 

Charles O 'Flaherty wrote " The Humours of Donnybrook 
Fair " in Trifles in Poetry and two sketches of Donnybrook Fair 
taken on the spot in the autumns of 1822 and 1823 by Rory 
O'Reilly, the same Charles 'Flaherty, and in the Dublin Penny 
Magazine are many humorous sketches of visits and rollicking 
adventures at Donnybrook. 

Donnybrook is the subject of an article by " Naisi " in the Irish 
Penny Journal of 1840-41. From that interesting account I cull 1 
* lines:—" Verily Donnybrook Fair is to all intents and pur- 



poses 'dead and gone,' for the modem wretched assemblage of 
hungry-looking cattle, dogs' meat horses, measly swine, and for- 
lorn-looking human creatures, obliged to content themselves with 
staring at the exterior of the show booths for want of means to visit 
the interior, no more resembles the Donnybrook of the past than 
a troop of old ' bulkies,' armed with their Arcadian crooks and 
helmeted with their old woollen night-caps, resembled a squadron 
of lancers. Alas ! alas, how everything is altered. No longer does 
the quiet citizen dread the approach of Trinity Sunday ; no longer 
does he think it necessary to barricade his windows and postpone 
exterior painting for a week or two in order to save his glass and 
the decorator's labour." 

In Excursions through Ireland, by Thomas Cromwell (pub- 
lished in London by Longman Hurst, Rees Orme and Browne) on 
page 20, Donnybrook is thus referred to : — 

" Donnybrook, two miles S. by E., is a pleasant village; its 
church ancient but commodious. The cotton manufactories estab- 
lished here employ a considerable portion of the population. It is 
at the Fair held at this place, as is observed by Mr Walsh, that the 
natural humour and peculiar character of the lower classes of the 
metropolis are best seen. It is kept on a green regularly pro- 
claimed, and always attended by police officers, whose inter- 
position is indispensable to preserve the peace. This fair, which is 
for the sale of horses and black cattle, lasts a week, during which 
time every amusement and gymnastic exercise peculiar to the 
Irish are in request; each day usually concluding with a pitched 
battle, in which much blood is spilled and many heads broken, but 
rarely any life lost. The green is completely covered with tents or 
with pipers, fiddlers, and dancers; and of late years mountebanks 
have also been introduced, together with shows of wild beasts, &c. 
During the continuance of the fair, all the avenues leading to it 
present extraordinary spectacles, particularly in the evenings. 
Almost all the carriages which ordinarily ply at other parts of the 
town now assemble here, and are crowded at all hours with com- 
pany going U) and from Donnybrook. The din and tumult is in- 
conceivable ; and from the union of vociferation, laughter, quarrel- 
ling, and fighting of these turbulent cargoes, together with a 
similar medley of sounds from the foot passengers, a noise ascends 
that is heard for several miles in all directions. The attachment of 
the populace to this annual amusement, which occurs in August, 
is so great that the Lord Mayor finds it necessary to proceed in 
person to Donnybrook at the expiration of the limited time, and, 
striking the tents, to compel the people to go home. These annual 
scenes of turbulence and riot, Mr Walsh, however, remarks, 


ought not to detract "from the general good principles and quiet 
demeanour of the Dublin populace. They are even now by no 
means so prevalent as formerly, though not so much on account of 
any improvement in the morals of the people as from that depres- 
sion of spirits which is the consequence of the decline of the manu- 
factures in the Liberty and the state of abject misery which the 
lower classes at present suffer from the pressure of the times, but 
which, it is hoped, will not be of long continuance." 

These are the principal literary and historical allusions to this 
famous fair which lives in history side by side with the similar 
institution of St Bartholomew in London 

Plate XI. J 

[To face page 149. 

( 149 ) 

By H. Bantry White, I.S.O., Hon. Treasurer 
[Read 30 April 1918] 

This paper deals with the history of an old house at Donnybrook. 
I have not been able to trace with certainty by whom the house 
now known as Ballinguile was built, but I have reason to think 
that it was erected by Robert Jocelyn about the year 1725, as it 
was the practice in those days to make a lease for one year before 
making the formal fee-farm lease, and, moreover, there is no men- 
tion of such a house in the deed of 1701, nor is it shown on the map 
attached to that assignment, though it appears on the map 
attached to the deed of 1726, referred to below, and I believe it was 
built on the one-year lease. The original title deeds were 
all burnt in the Pantechnicon fire in London in 1874. I have, how- 
ever, had the advantage of being able to consult a document written 
by the late Dr Edward Wright, B.L., of Floraville, who was owner 
at that time, and which gives extracts from several of the deeds, as 
well as a tracing of the maps attached to some of them. I have 
also to acknowledge the kind help afforded to me by Mr Howard R. 
Guinness, who allowed me to consult many of the original deeds 
(counterparts), and make extracts from them and tracings of the 
maps thereon. 

It appears that in the year 1701 the Great House or Castle of 
Donnybrook, and the lands attached thereto, about twelve acres, 
were owned in fee by Christopher Usher, with entail to his son 
William Usher, who, on the 24th December, 1701, jointly trans- 
ferred to Thomas Twigg, of Dublin, " the house, garden, orchard, 
&c, containing about four acres and a half," previously demised 
by Christopher Usher to Thomas Thornton, and now in possession 
of Thomas Twigg, and eight acres lately demised by Christopher 
Usher to Jeffry Emerson, miller, together with the Green of 
Donnybrook," . . . but reserving to Christopher Usher the right 
to hold and the profits from the annual fair for ever at a fee-farm 
rent of £28 10s., and in consideration of a sum of £240 paid to 
Christopher Usher. 

Thomas Twigg had a son and daughter, Thomas and 
Catherine. Thomas Twigg (junior), of Donnybrook, demised a 
plot of land (portion of the lands mentioned above), which, accord- 


ing to Dr Wright's tracing of the lease map contained a house of 
the same block ground plan as the present house (Ballinguile), by 
deed dated 21st February, 1726, at a rent of £3 15s. for ever to 
Robert Jocelyn, afterwards Lord Newport, and subsequently 
Viscount Jocelyn. For some reason, which it is hard to ascertain, 
Christopher Usher, by a subsequent deed, made 23rd December, 
1748, demised the great castle and lands, previously granted to 
Thomas Twigg (senior), then deceased, to Catherine Downs, his 
daughter (who had married Robert Downs, of Dublin, father of the 
first Lord Downs), for ever at the same fee-farm rent and on the 
same conditions as in the deed of 1701. This deed of 1748 describes 
the boundaries as follows: — " Bounded on the East by the lands 
of Simmonscourt, on the South and West by the river Dodder 
and the land formerly on the holding of Calib Smally and William 
Hall, and on the North part with the King's High Road, and on 
the other part by the Common Green of Simmonscourt, in which 
mearing and boundary are included a small park, now the Police 
Barracks (Lord Merrion's) and a Mill and also the Church of Donny- 
brook, and two tenements and a garden belonging to said Church, 
which are not contiguous to the Church, nor are the same parcels 
belonging to Lord Merrion, and the Church Yard." From informa- 
tion derived from the deed of 1749, referred to below, Lord New- 
port's house and garden were in that year occupied by Arthur 
Newburgh, who appears, in addition, to have been in occupation, 
on the north side, of a strip of land known as the Kitchen Garden, 
and another strip on the south called the Elm Avenue, and also a 
field on the west side of the mill race, none of which were included 
in the deed of 21st February, 1726. 

The Lion. Robert Jocelyn, son of Lord Newport, who w T as sub- 
sequently second Viscount Jocelyn and Earl of Roden, had evi- 
dently determined to take up residence in the house, and his father, 
Lord Newport, in conjunction with Robert Downs, executed to him 
a deed of conveyance of the entire set of four plots (including that 
conveyed by deed of 1726, above mentioned), dated 23rd Decem- 
ber, 1749, at a fee-farm rent of £16 15s., per annum for ever. 
Robert second Viscount Jocelyn, by deed dated 9th December, 
1768, demised his house and lands to John Fitzgibbon, (better 
known as the wily John Fitzgibbon), who, as stated in the deed, 
was in possession at the time, probably on a one-year lease, for his 
own life and the lives of his sons Ion and John, the latter subse- 
quently first Lord Clare. 

John Fitzgibbon appears to have surrendered this lease at a 
subsequent period, for, by indenture dated 24th June, 1778, Robert 
Jocelyn, first Earl of Roden, demised the house and premises, late 

Plate XII.] 

[To face page 150. 

A Scale of Perches 


The Castle 
F Kitchen Garden 
6 Court Yard 

k-Tho, Church and Church Yard 
B__ The Ministers Garden 
C.C.The Sf Morins (Morions) 

ditto of Mill 
t^Dannybrook Orchard 
F_77?e House and Garden 

Tracing From 

MaPon Lease 

26* December-. 1701. 


(Map on Lease, 1701.) 



in the possession of John Fitzgibbon, to Mrs Margaret Ash worth, 
for three lives. By tradition derived from the late Dr Wright, of 
Floraville, the house and grounds were subsequently occupied by 
the first Lord Bloomfield, and his written notes contain the follow- 
ing statement: — " By various assignments, &c." (one of which 
appears to have been to Lord Bloomfield) " this property was in the 
.year 1818, and long previously thereto, vested in William Bower, 
who had been an officer of the late House of Commons, and after 
the death of Mr and Mrs Bower, their three children, Elizabeth 
Catherine Bower, Anna Susanna Bower, and W T illiam Henry 
Bower, continued to reside in the house." It was then known as 
Bowerville. In the year 1851, Dr Edward Wright, of Floraville, 
who owned all the property round arranged with the Bower family 
for the purchase of their interest as set forth in the original lease of 
1749. Dr Wright for many years set the house in tenements, but 
about the year 1868, the house having fallen into bad repair, he 
leased it and a portion of the ground to Mr John Henderson, who 
kept the saw mills at Donnybrook, on a repairing lease. Mr 
Henderson partially repaired the house, with some slight altera- 
tions, but leaving the old walls. 

In the year 1873 Mr Bantry White purchased Henderson's 
interest and finished the repairs, and re-named the house " Ballin- 
-guile." Mr White subsequently surrendered Henderson's lease, 
and obtained a demise of the entire house and grounds in two 
divisions. The ground now in Mr White's occupation includes the 
whole of the ground shown in the tracing, with the exception of a 
portion of the Elm Avenue on the south side, which now is in- 
cluded in the roadway of Eglinton Boad, and the field on the west- 
side of the mill race. 

When Mr White came into occupation in 1873 there were 
four of the original elm trees standing ; there remains only one at 
the present time, the others having become decayed, and, being 
very near the house, were removed. 

The house contains one very good Georgian panelled room, with 
a very fine carved stone chimney piece. 

There is a well on the premises which, when Mr White came 
into occupation, was reputed by some of the old people to be a 
holy well, " St Brow's," and they often came for the water, which 
they said was a great cure. This well appears on the maps of the 
old lease, but in a slightly different locality. There is no authority 
for calling this a " holy well " except this tradition. 

From the documents referred to, it appears to me, that the 
house now known as Ballinguile is the same building as that occu- 
pied by Lord Newport. The ground plan of the old deeds of 


1726 and 1749, above referred to, show it to have been of the same 
shape as at present. 

The maps of 1726 and 1749 are superposed in the tracing 
annexed so as to show the continuity, the present roads being 
shown by dotted lines. The map is further of interest as it shows 
the names of the persons who held the fields surrounding the 
demised lands in 1749, and also contains notes by Dr Wright as to 
the persons who held them when he purchased Bower's interest 
in 1852. I also attach a tracing from, the map on the deed of 1701, 
which includes a tracing of the ground plan of the castle shown on 
the counterpart of that deed. 

Plate XIII.] 

[To face page 153. 

( 153 ) 


By Henry S. Crawford, M.E.I. A., Member 

[Read 10 December 1918] 

Having recently compared the facsimilies of illuminated pages 
from the Book of Kells, published by The Studio and described by 
Sir Edward Sullivan, with those from Codex No. 51, at St Gall, 
published by Dr Keller in the Communications of the Antiquarian 
Society of Zurich for 1851, 1 I notice several interesting points. 

These two manuscripts, though there is no comparison in the 
elaboration of the ornament, evidently belong to the same class 
and follow the same tradition. This is shown, for instance, in the 
identity of the crosses used in the illuminated pages; the similar 
treatment of the Sacred Monogram, and the attempt, unusual in 
early Celtic manuscripts, to illustrate actual scenes in the life of 

The Book of Kells contains portraits of St Mathew and St John, 
and a third, the identity of which is uncertain. Sir Edward 
Sullivan has shown that it represents either St Mark or St Luke, 
and is not a portrait of Christ, as asserted by Petrie and others. 
It corresponds in every way with the portrait of St Mathew, and 
in a less degree with that of St John. All three, for example, 
hold books in their hands. 

Turning to the St Gall manuscript, we find that the portraits 
of the first and third Evangelists closely resemble each other, as do 
those of St Mark and St John — the latter pair differing very much 
from the former. 

It is highly probable that the same arrangement existed in the 
Book of Kells, and that the portrait which so closely resembles in 
style that of St Mathew is intended for St Luke ; while the missing 
portrait of St Mark corresponded with that of St John. 

It is curious that in the St Gall manuscript, as in the Book of 
Kells, one of the portraits, in this case that of St Mark, would have 
been doubtful if any of the others had been lost ; for while they are 
each marked by the appropriate symbol, St Mark is surrounded by 
all four symbols. 

1 A translation, accompanied by several of the plates, has been pub- 
lished in the Ulster Journal of Archaeology, vol. viii (1860), p. 210, and 
several pages copied from the original will be found in Westwood's 
Facsimiles of Miniatures and Initials from Anglo-Saxon and Irish 


As these pictures are not readily accessible, two of them, Sfc 
Mark and St Luke, are reproduced in Plate XIII. The portraits 
of the other Evangelists closely correspond, as mentioned above, 
but St John's has the eagle placed overhead and the corners of 
the design filled with ornament instead of symbols. 

It is also important to notice that the type of cross depicted in 
the ornamental or cross-bearing pages of the manuscripts are iden- 
tical with those on one of the earliest classes of sepulchral slabs at 
'Clonmacnois; that is, slabs with plain crosses-potent in square or 
rectangular frames. All available evidence as to the date of 
these slabs points to the closing years of the eighth century, 2 which 
would seem to be indicated as the date of the manuscripts also; 
•especially as the ringed cross which came into use in the ninth 
-century is absent from them. 

Fig. 1 shows in outline the designs of three illuminated pages — 
A. from the St Gall Gospels, B. and C. from the Book of Kells — 
and four slabs from Clonmacnois. Most of the slight differences 
which appear are due to the omission from the stones of certain 
lines; probably on account of the greater difficulty of working in 
that material, and because complete panels suitable for containing 
ornament were not there required. 

The Eight-circle page in the Book of Kells (D., Fig 2) has its 
analogue in slab No. 50, though the latter has the circles reduced 
to the more usual number of five, and is without external angle - 
pieces. In the same way that page of the Book of Kells which has 
the symbols of the Evangelists disposed in a saltire (E., Fig. 2), 
agrees to some extent with slab No. 52, though as saltires do not 
appear on sepulchral slabs an upright cross is\ised on the latter. 

In conclusion it may be noted that in the Book of Durrow, an 
earlier manuscript, the small crosses which form the centres of the 
ornamental pages heading the Gospels of St Mark and St John 
belong to a type which came into use at an earlier date than those 
already mentioned; that is, to the class formed of intersecting 
circular arcs in a circular panel of the same radius. The first-men- 
tioned is decorated, and corresponds with slabs 21 to 25 at Inis- 
cealtra, the latter is plain and resembles the designs on slab No. 77 
at Clonmacnois, and on pillar stones at Clone, County Wexford, 
and other places. (See Plate XV.) These similarities are of 
interest as bearing on the dates of the manuscripts and stones. 

2 See Macalister, Memorial Slabs of Clonmacnois, pp. 102, 103, 104. 

Plate XIV.] 

[To face page 154. 

Fig. 1. 

Cross-Bearing pages of Manuscripts (lettered), compared with early 
Sepulchral Slabs (numbered). 

Plate XV.] 

[To face page 154. 

A Cross from the Book of Durrow compared with one 
from a Slab at Iniscealtra. 

Plate XVI.] 

[To face page 155. 

Taghmaconnell, Co, Roscommon. 


By Henry S. Crawford, M.E.I. A., Member 

The slab shown in the figure is placed beside St Eonan's Well, on 
"the roadside half-a-mile south-west of Taghmaconnell Graveyard. 
It is carved with a rude crucifix, the figure being 3 feet 1 inch in 
height, and accompanied by the ladder, the hammer, the scourge, 
and the cock rising from the pot. The curious appearance pre- 
sented by the stone is due to its being painted white and picked out 
with green and red. There seem to have been several saints named 
Eonan; the Ordnance Survey Letters give the 23rd of June as the 
day observed at this well. O'Hanlon mentions several Eonans, 
but none under that day. 

About two miles north of the well is a height named " Sheep 
Hill," on which the Ordnance Survey marks a Standing Stone ; 
this is really the shaft of a seventeenth century cross. The shaft 
is 4 feet 4 inches in height, and has a socket in the top. The head 
lies near. It has a ring 2 feet 1 inch in diameter marked out by 
panels sunk, but not pierced through, and there is also a diamond- 
shaped sinking in the centre. On the front of the shaft are the 
following letters and date; some of the former are probably 
initials : — 

There are the remains of two additional letters below the H W, 
"but they have not yet been made out. 

At Taghmaconnell Post Office, about midway between the 
places mentioned above, two curious stones are fixed on the gate 
posts; they are shaped as heads with very long necks. I have not 
had an opportunity of enquiring into their origin. 

Taghmaconnell is about nine miles west of Athlone, and the 
places referred to will be found on Ordnance Sheet 51 of County 
Hoscommon, near its western edge. St Eonan's Well is in the 
townland of Sraduff, Sheep Hill in that of Eocklands. 

I H S 

I K A D 
AD 1623 


H W 



Ancient Places of Assembly, Co. Limerick. — The remains on the* 
north banks of the Cammoge, marking the ancient Oenach Cairbre? 
are surrounded (but at too great a distance, I think, to be included 
in the assembly place) by many other earthworks. There is, for 
example, a small rounded tumulus in the marshy fields beside the 
Cammoge, south from Abbey ville House, and a square fort near 
Eathmore Castle. Mr James Grene Barry, of Sandville, Vice- 
President of the North Munster Archaeological Society, who has 
devoted much attention to the identification of the place names in 
the charter to Monasteranenagh Abbey (1189), writes to me: — 

There is another tumulus, on the right hand side of the road 
from Manistir to Croom, known as " Fort Elizabeth." This 
tumulus is overgrown with scrub, and very similar to the one you 
describe. In connection with the mound I heard the following 
tradition that a queen of the district named Elizabeth was laid 
here, and that she had a gold sword and axe by her side. 1 . . . 
Someone commenced to excavate the mound, but, after a day or 
two, was stopped by the occupier of the farm, as one of the latter 's 
cows was found dead in a ditch and some accident happened to one 
of his family. I don't remember the Irish name for this mound, 
but the Webb family, were the resident landlords of the district in the 
18th century, and evidently Fort Elizabeth is the modernised name- 
they gave it. 2 There is a large ring fort at Par'karee, near Manister 
Chapel, " the King's field," and another at Kathduff. The town- 
land at the ford, where Fergus slew the thirty spearmen, is called 
Ballymactuadean, " the town of the son of the spearman. 
The Four Masters call this Nenagh, " Nenagh beg," but inaccu- 
rately, I think. I heard many years ago in Croom that Anhid 
West, on the western side of the Maigue, was called in ancient 
times " Nenagh beg. 3 There is a fine spring there called Toberri- 
gan, " the King's Well." The ancient road from Croom was on 
the right of the river, the ford crossing at the junction of the 
Cammoge with the Maigue, under the site of the old church of 
Anhid, and the road goes north and south into Nenagh beg, where 

1 Treasure legends of people buried with gold "crocks/' " watches " ( !> 
and armour are too common to build any theory on their statements. 

2 Many places were re-named in that period from the wives of their 

3 The name Anhid is old— Atnid 1201, Athynde 1291, 1297, 1302, 1418. 
The well is Toberregan, possibly from the local name Regan, recte- 
O Regan. 




there are remains of ring forts. ... It may be worth having on 
record the above-mentioned tradition regarding this tumulus." 

Mr Grene Barry's long experience and careful study of the 
Limerick earthworks (of which we have but too little published 
■even in the Journal of the North Munster Archaeological Society) 
make his notes of great value, and we could wish that more of this 
vanishing folk legend was published. T. J. Westropp. 



Supra, p. 16, line 10, for Gneisel read Gneisgel. 
Supra, p. 22, line 4, for Baiscinn read Modruad. 
Supra, p. 23, line 9, for fort read foot. 

St Wolstan's Priory — With reference to my paper published in 
the June numbers of the Journal, Canon J. M. Wilson, Sub- 
Dean and Librarian of Worcester, of which St Wolstan was Bishop, 
lias kindly sent me the following extracts from a letter written in 
1301 by H. de B&ggeleye, Clerk, who was Bector or Vicar of 
Himbledon, a church near Worcester, in the patronage of the Priory 
of Worcester. He writes from Ireland on other matters, and 
adds: " Moreover, I have heard that you imputed it to me that 
you have not got- possession of your lands in Ireland. You should 
know that this is not to be imputed to me, and that I have often 
taken trouble about that business at St Wolstan's place near 
Salmon Leap, and have incurred much expense. Also I have en- 
quired among the older and more discreet persons in those parts, 
but Ii have not been able to find any one who was able to tell me 
anything of your rights. I heard, however, from one talker, who 
lives with the Abbot of Dublin, that he has seen the documents 
and muniments of the Abbot, and that the Abbot holds those lands 
that you are looking for. You may feel sure that the lands you are 
looking for are not at that place which is called St Wolstan's, near 
Salmon Leap, but are in the hilly country near Dublin, where the 
Abbot of St Mary's has a certain grange." 

It is also stated in the Annates de Wigornia, Bolls Series, vol. iv, 
a.d. 1212, that a man named Pippard, from Ireland, was healed ab 
the tomb of St Wolstan, and built a large church in Ireland in his 
honour. He gave it and 30 carucates of land to the See of Wor- 
cester. This is evidently the property which de Baggeleye was en- 
quiring about, and was not connected with the Priory of St 
Wolstan's founded by Adam de Hereford. The Liber Albus tells us 
that the place was called Clenculan (? Glencoolan). 

B. Claude Cake. 



The British Society of Franciscan Studies announces the forth- 
coming issue of a volume of Materials for the History of tin- 
Franciscan Province of Ireland, 1230-1450, by the late Rev_ 
Father E. B. Fitzmaurice, O.F.M., and A. G. Little. Price 16s_ 
jDost free (Manchester University Press). 

A Bibliography of Irish Presbyterian Magazines, past and 
present, has been written by Mr A. Albert Campbell, Honorary 
Librarian, Presbyterian Historical Society of Ireland, and. 
published by Hugh Greer, 18 Gresham Street, Belfast. 


Corrigenda et Addenda 
In Table I, Column II, the names Achadh-ur chair and Achadh-lurchair 
should be bracketed together. In Column IV, the name St Mary as 
Patron of Devenish Abbey should be added, and the name St Mary as 
Patron of Monea should be deleted. In Column V, the name of Drum- 
mully Church should read Gortuouarra, and the name of the Island on 
which Galloon Church is situated should read Killraghe. In the last 
column, for Aghalurgher read Aghalurcher, and the description of Bally- 
macataggart Church should read " Site of church in Ballymacataggart 
Townland/' also Kiltierney Abbey should be described as Cistertian, not 

On page 37, line 7, the name Killchaman should read Killehaman; in 
line 8, the name Gortnanarra should read Gortuouarra; in line 12, the- 
name Kibraghe should read Killraghe ; in line 13, the name Dromheruic 
should read Dromheruie; and an asterisk should be placed at the end of 
the line after the word obsolete, directing attention to the following 
note : — 

" Moyclogh (Moughley) and Dromheruie (Dromhervin) are the 
names of townlands near Aghalurcher and Kinawley Churches, and 
Killraghe (Killyraw) is the name of a townland on Galloon Island." 

On page 39, line 35, an asterisk should be placed after the name 
Derryvullan, directing attention to the following note : — 

" Deyridmelan, the Latin form of the name given in the Taxation of 
1302-06, points to the Irish form of the name then being Aireadh- 
Maelain." On page 39, line 36, for Dinchuill read Diuchuill. 

In Table II, in the description of White Island, the words " Dowinish- 
bane or " should be deleted. The name of the M.S. in which Eo-Inis 
Church is mentioned should read M.S. E. 3. 20 T. CD. In the name of 
the parish in which Killadeas Church is situated the points of interro- 
gation should be deleted. The name of the Parish in which Temple- 
moyle is situated, Derryvullan, now Derrybrusk, should be bracketed 
together, as also the names of the O. S. Maps on which it was marked. 
The site of Derough being unknown, it can neither be placed in any 
parish nor marked on any maps. 

On page 41, line 26, for rate read date. On page 43, lines 21 and 22, for 
Kilkee read Killee. 

In Table III, the name of the parish in which Seanadh is situated 
should read Aghalurcher, then Cleenish, now Derrybrusk. In the column 
of remarks Shrahenny should read Srahenny, and in the column of 
names, sev apud Lachne should read seu apud Lachne. 

In Table IV, and on page 45, line 13, the date of the building of Castle 
Archdale Church should read about 1839. 

And the name of the townland on which Castle Archdale Church stood, 
should be Drummal not Mullies. 

Dorothy Lowry-Corry, Associate Member. 


A Quarterly General Meeting of the 71st Session of the Society 
was held at the Town Hall, Galway, on Monday, 23rd June,, 
1919, at 9 o'clock p.m. 

The Society was welcomed on the part of the Galway Archae- 
ological Society by Sir Alexander Anderson, President, University 
College, Gslwaj. 

Having suitably replied, the President then took the Chair. 

Also present : — 

Fellows: — E. C. E. Armstrong, F. J. Bigger, Col. E. G. Berry,. 
Edwin Fayle, W. W. A. FitzGerald, P. J. O'Eeilly, Eev. T. W. 
O'Eyan, D. Carolan Eushe, M. J. Tighe. 

Members Miss Bernard, Miss Carolan, T. B. Costello, m.d. ;, 
J. S. Crone, m.d., j.p. ; W. J. Dargan, m.d.; Mrs A. S. Green r 
P. J. Griffith, Michael Halpenny, m.d., j.p.; Michael Law, ll.d. ; 
E. S. Lepper, m.a., ll.m. ; Eev. Canon Lyster, b.d.; J. P. 
McKnight, John Mills, m.b.; Miss E. M. Pirn, Eev. Professor 
Power, Miss M. Eedington, Mrs H. D. E. Strevens, F. M. 
Walker, Miss E. G. Warren, Eaton W. Waters, m.d., j.p.; Mrs^ 

Associate Members: — Mrs Dargan, Miss Law, Mrs Magrane. 

The Minutes of the previous Meeting having been read and 

The following Fellow and Members were elected: — 


Cooper, Bryan Eicco, d.l., Markree Castle, Collooney; proposed 
by Colonel E. Claude Cane, Fellow. 


Gilmartin, Most Eev. Thomas, d.d., Archbishop of Tuam; pro- 
posed by T. B. Costello, m.d., Member. 

Halpenny, Patrick James, Ulster Bank, Mullingar; proposed by 
D. Carolan Eushe, Fellow. 

McDonagh, Thomas, Salthill, Galway; proposed by M. J. Tighe, 

MacSwiney, Mrs Miriam Frances, 12 Cranley Place, London,, 
S.W. 7; proposed by Major Gilbert MacSwiney, Fclloiu. 



Mason, Miss Harriette, 35 Pembroke Road, Dublin; proposed by 

R. J. Kelly, k.c, Member. 
Peacocke, Col. William, late R.E. ; proposed by Col. Villiers 

Tu thill, Member. 
Purcell, Rev. Thomas F., o.p., Black Abbey, Kilkenny; proposed 

by the Hon. Gen. Secretary. 
Rice, H., Barrister, 8 Templemore Avenue, Rathgar; proposed by 

R. J. Kelly, k.c, Member. 
/Young, Airs Joseph, Corrib House, Galway; proposed by M. J. 

Tighe, Fellow. 

A letter from the Societe Neerlandaise Archeologie, dated 15th 
May, 1919, and relative to the preservation of Ancient Monu- 
ments and Works of Art in time of war having been communicated 
to the Meeting by instruction of the Council, was referred to the 
Council's consideration. 

A letter from Mrs G. T. Horner, giving an account of a forth- 
coming book on " The Linen Trade of Europe during the Spinning 
Wheel Period," by John Horner, Member, was, by "the permission 
of the Council, read at the meeting as requested by the writer. 

An account of " The Ecclesiastical Remains at Corcomroe and 
Kilmacduagh " was communicated by the President. 

" Notes on the Castles, Churches and other Antiquities of 
Athenry," by Miss M. Redington, Member, and " Notes on some 
of the more interesting Antiquities of Galway City," by M. J. 
Tighe, Fellow, were read the evenings previous to these places 
being visited. 

" Illustrations of Early Public Documents of Ireland," a paper 
by M. J. McEnery, Fellow, was, in his absence, deferred to a 
subsequent meeting, as also was " An Account of a Book of Waxed 
W T ooden Tablets of early Mediaeval date," by E. C. R. Arm- 
strong, V.-P. 

The Programme of Excursions was successfully carried out. 

A Quarterly General Meeting of the 71st Yearly Session of the 
"Society was held on Tuesday, 30th September, 1919, at 8.15 p.m., 
at 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

Mr M. J. McEnery, b.a., in the Chair. 

Also present : — 

Fellows:— J. Poe Alton, P. J. O'Reilly, D. Carolan Rushe, 
John F. Weldrick, H. Bantry White. 

Members:— Mrs Poe Alton, Miss C. S. Booth, J. J. Buckley, 
Miss Carolan, R. A. Falconer, Capt. E. Fitzpatrick, Howard 



Guinness, J. E. B. Jennings, Miss A. M. Joly, R. S. Lepper, 
Eev. W. O'Neill Linclesay, m.a.; Mrs Annie Long, P. McKenna, 
Mrs M. J. McEnery, James Nichols, Eev. F. Purcell, E. B. 
Sayers, Miss E. G. "Warren, W. J. Wilkinson. 

The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. 
The following Fellow and Members were elected : — 


Whitworth, Mrs Mary, Blackrock, Dundalk (Member, 1902) : 
proposed by D. Carolan Eushe, Vice-President. 


Butler, Theobald, Armadale, Barrow-in-Furness ; proposed by 
P. J. Lynch, Vice-President. 

Fay, Henry Edward Joseph, 53 Moyne Eoad, Eathmines; pro- 
posed by D. Carolan Eushe, Vice-President. 

Irwin, Miss Patricia A., 180 Peel Street, Montreal; proposed by 
the Hon. General Secretary. 

Molloy, Mrs Ida Greene, 37 Marlborough Eoad, Donnybrook; 
proposed by Mrs Long, Member. 

Sadlier, Thomas Ulick, 51 Lansdowne Eoad, Dublin; proposed 
by E. J. Kelly, Member. 

Smith, H. V. C., Pembroke Estate Office, Dublin; proposed by 
E. J. French, Fellow. 

A paper on " The Patron of the Church of Kilgobban," by 
P. J. O'Eeilly, Fellow, was withdrawn for further consideration 
by the writer. 

An Account of the Summer Meeting at Galway, with lantern 
illustrations of places visited, was given by the Hon. General 

An Evening Meeting was held on Tuesday, 28th October, 1919, 
at 8.15 p.m., at 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

The President in the Chair. 

The following papers were read and referred to the Council to 
be considered for publication: — 

1. '* Illustrations of Early Public Documents of Ireland; with 
references to some popular fallacies corrected by the Eecords." 
By M. J. McEnery, Fellow. 

2. " On the Altar and Mural Monuments in Sligo Dominican 
Friary." By H. S. Crawford, Member. 



A Statutory Meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday, 9th 
December, 1919, at 8 p.m., at 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

The President in the Chair. 

Vacancies were declared for the offices of President, seven Vice- 
Presidents, Hon. General Secretary, Hon. Treasurer and four 
Members of Council. 

The following papers were read and referred to the Council 
to be considered for publication : — 

1. " The Promontory Forts of Western Co. Cork — Beare and 
Bantry." By the President. 

2. " The State Coaches of the City of Dublin and of the Lord 
Chancellor the Earl of Clare." By W. G. Strickland, Fellow. 


The Society assembled at Galway on Monday, June 23rd, and in 
the evening, after a meeting of Council, was received and welcomed 
at the Town Hall by Dr Anderson, President of University College, 
Galway, on behalf of the Galway Historical and Archaeological 
Society, which has enriched Irish archaeology with such full 
surveys of the forts and other remains in its province. 

June 24th. — The party started in motor cars through Oranmore 
and past the great ring fort of Caheradrineen (described in the 
Appendix to the " Proceedings ") and Kinvarra for Corcomroe 
Abbey. On the way they visited the very interesting church of 
Dromacoo, with its primitive west doorway, lintelled and having 
inclined jambs, and its richly-carved south door, evidently the 
work of the same school of builders which made the chancel and 
north chapel at Corcomroe and the doorway at Noughaval Church, 
County Clare. They were probably employed at the close of the 
twelfth century, their work overlapping the last of the Romanesque 
designs at Killone Convent and the south chapel at Corcomroe and 
the advanced transitional work (" Gothic with Romanesque de- 
tails ") in the other buildings. 1 

Time did not allow us to examine the curious fort at Dungoora 
(gee Appendix) or the perfect late peel tower on the rock platform 
(not, as some have stated, a fort) at Kinvarra. We ascended the 
Carker Pass with a glorious view along the creeks at the end of 

1 Dromacoo is illustrated above in the year 1901, vol. xxxi, pp. 312, 314. 

Plate XVII.] 

[To face page 163. 



Galway Bay, celebrated in the sea tale of the Hui Corra, passed 
through a wilderness of terraced limestone crags, and soon over 
looked the green fields and picturesque ruin of Corcomroe, " The 
Abbey of the Fertile Kock. " It was built, before 1194, by 
Domhnall Mor Ua Briain, the last King of Munster, for Cistercian 
monks. His descendant, Conchobair, King of Thomond, fell in 
" civil war with the O'Loughlins in the wood of Siudaine, just beyond 
the well-known Ctyster Creek to the west of the ruin, in 1269. His 
somewhat rude effigy, invaluable as a record of royal costume in 
the mid-thirteenth century, is in fairly good preservation. It need 
scarcely be said that the foolish tale which even imposed upon 
Petrie that " the figure holds a pipe in its mouth " is absolutely 
unfounded. The place was the scene of a ferocious battle between 
the opposing princes of the O'Brien's in 1317. King Donchad and 
several of his chiefs were buried in the chancel. 

We then went on to the important remains of the Monastery, 
founded by St Colman Mac Duach about the middle of the seventh 
•century, at Kilmacduach. A lofty round tower, 110 feet high, 
leaning over visibly, having been built on a slight foundation, over 
Christian graves, is the chief object. The Cathedral has the ancient 
west door and end intact, but is chiefly of late Gothic, parts even 
of about 1645. The foundation of the little church where St Colman 
was buried; a late little church of the Blessed Virgin; an early 
church of St John the Baptist; a residence called the Shanaclogh, 
and the ornate church of Temple Muinter O'Heyne stand grouped 
together. The last seems to have been extensively rebuilt in the 
sixteenth, or even seventeenth, century, but several of the earlier 
details, probably of the early thirteenth century, were embodied 
in it. The chancel pillars seem to have supported no arch but only 
a beam. The day, hitherto very fine, began to cloud over, so, after 
lunch, we drove on to the beautiful demesne of Lough Cutra, near 
Gort, where, in the handsome mansion built by Lord Gort of the 
Vereker family, we were received by Lord Gough and his son, 
Major Gough, and shown the building and many relics of great 
interest of the first Lord Gough, the Indian hero. There are several 
islands, some anciently used for residence, in the lake, which is 
said to bear the name of the Fir Bolg Cutra, son of Umor (brother 
of the founder of the great fort of Dun Aengusa in Aran) just before 
our era. 

We then drove on to Tullyra and (in the absence of Mr Martyn, 
former Vice-President of our Society, the restorer of Kinvarra 
Castle) were most hospitably entertained by Mrs Daly and Miss 
Redington. So far all had gone well, but, after seeing the Castle 
of Tullyra, we got off our track; some of our motors broke down, 


and, at last, having reached Craggynagreina Castle in heavy ram, 
we were glad to return to Galway. 

In the evening Mr M. J. Tighe, at the Town Hall, gave us a 
lecture, fully illustrated by lantern slides (as were all the later 
lectures) on the ancient City of Galway, its walls and towers, 
churches and other buildings. 

June 25th, Wednesday.— The morning was cold and misty,, 
but brightened and cleared up. Many of the party started to go in 
two motor boats to the ruins of Annaghdown on Loch Corrib. 
Unfortunately, the engine of one boat broke down, and she ran on 
a sunken bank, but got off and was eventually towed back by her 
companion with no worse injury. We then visited the very inter- 
esting collegiate church of St Nicholas, and, under the able guidance- 
of Rev Canon Berry, inspected the building and its monuments. 
By the kindness of Miss Blake, the representative of the family of 
the last Mayor of Galway, we were shown the regalia of the " City 
of the Tribes," the mace and sword, with the numerous commemo- 
rative inscriptions, exciting much interest. We noted the porch and 
window of the house rebuilt in Eyre Square, with some handsome 
carving of the Elizabethan period. The party was then driven to 
Merlin Park, and most kindly entertained by Captain Waithman 
and Lady Philippa Waithman, being shown many objects of in- 
terest, tapestry and enamel work, and visiting the peel tower of 
Duiske in the demesne, with its lovely outlook over the woods to 
the Bay. We drove to Roscam Round Tower and ruined church on 
the sea shore, and returned to Galway. After dinner Rev. Ambrose 
Coleman, o.p., and the Dominican Fathers showed us a remark- 
able collection of chalices, of which we publish the inscriptions. 
Dr T. Bodkin Costello then gave us an account of the places- 
round Tuam to be visited on the next day. 

June 26th, Thursday. — We started early for the beautiful' 
Franciscan Friary and well-preserved peel tower of Clare Galway. 
With some regret we saw that the little chapel at the belfry (where 
for many unhappy years Divine Service had continued to be cele- 
brated, even to the present century) had been recently unroofed and 
dismantled. However, apart from the association, it will open up 
the interesting little building for study. After a thorough exami- 
nation we visited the large stone fort of Cahermorris (sec Appendix),, 
and lunched in the well-wooded demesne of Castle Hacket. Thence- 
we drove to Tuam, some of us going on to see the Round Tower and 
late church of Kilbennan, founded by Benignus, the " beloved 
disciple of St Patrick. We were entertained and shown some of 
the collections of Dr Costello, after which we examined the 
Cathedra] of St Jarlath under the conduct of the Very Reverend 

Plate XVIII.] 

[To face page 164. 


Plate XIX. ] 

[To face page 165. 




-John Orr, the Dean, seeing the fine inlaid Italian woodwork in the 
Cathedral library and synod hall and the ornate Bomanesque chancel 
arch of the pre -Norman Church. The Bishop and Mrs Plunkett 
entertained us to tea, and we saw the very picturesque gardens with 
their rockeries and stream, the high cross, and the old Church of 
"St Jarlath in the town. 'Some of us, with the permission of the 
Most Bev Dr Gilmartin, Archbishop of Tuam, visited the handsome 
new Cathedral. Knockmoy Abbey was then visited. 

In the evening Miss Matilda Bedington gave us a lecture on the 
Athenry, Kilconnell and Masonbrook districts marked out for our 
next day's visit. 

June 27th, Friday. — The fine, but grey, morning brightened 
Rip into a clear and sunny day. We visited first the town of Athenry, 
with its well-preserved fortifications and the well-known Dominican 
Abbey. Two matters we were sorry to learn, the injury to the 
•elaborate monument of the Bermingham family by soldiers anxious 
to secure " keepsakes," and the injury to the foundations of the 
■east gate by a recent drainage scheme. This last, despite every 
effort to underpin and preserve the structure, must (it is feared) 
lead to the necessity of the demolition of the gate. The high cross, 
the slight remains of the Franciscan Convent (which we would urge 
•on the vestry of the church to clear of the exuberant growth of ivy 
and bushes), and the castle were examined with much interest, 
though most of our party had inspected them more than once. 

Driving through level and featureless country, we arrived at the 
well-preserved Franciscan Convent of Kilconnell. The plain, but 
pleasing, cloister has some curious " mason marks." The east 
window, restored in Confederate Catholic times, 1642 onward, is 
of poor and debased design, one of the latest examples of Gothic 
design in Ireland before its almost as poor revival. Several of the 
features, such as the canopied tombs in the chancel and nave (the 
former defaced by a modern white marble tablet) are beautiful and 
instructive examples of Irish Gothic work. The vistas made by the 
arcades of the nave and transept are most picturesque. There is a 
fine well in the field below the ruin to the north. 

Near Kilreekil village we examined an entrenched hillock, called 
Oonigar, and described by Mr H. T. Knox in the Journal of the 
Galway Archaeological and Historical Society (and in the Appen- 
dix). It has a souterrain Z-shaped in plan, on the summit. Passing 
the large castle of Kilcooly, with its bawn, on the left, we reached 
Masonbrook demesne. Here, in a plantation, we visited the large 
ringed earthwork, and, after being most kindly entertained to tea 
by Mr Smyth at his beautifully-situated residence, commanding a 
view on to the Keeper (Kimalta) and the Devil's Bit in County 


Tipperary, we sa.v the little ring mound set with seven pillar stones- 
and recently excavated, but with no positive results, by Professor 
Macalister. We had not time to visit the great three-staged mound 
and other earthworks noted by him. Passing through Loughrea 
we only visited on our return the perfect and massive ring wall of 
Cahercrine (Appendix). 

June 28th, Saturday. — The party broke up with regret at 
ending so pleasant and interesting a week. Those not obliged to- 
leave by early trains were conducted over the remains of the most 
interesting old city by Mr Tighe. 

Plate XX. J 

[To face page 166. 




( 107 ) 



By Thomas Johnson Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a., President. 

The survey of the Antiquities in any part of Ireland depends more 
than ever on individual effort, though, even before the crushing 
burden and strain were laid by the years of the great war on the- 
country, State support could never be obtained to put Irish archae- 
ology on an equality of endowment with that of Great Britain ; now 
the matter must be 'hopeless for generations. No local society has 
done more for field work than that centred in the city of Gal way. 
It is not in rivalry of its workers but rather to spread the knowledge 
of the important remains in their purview to antiquaries outside 
of Ireland (who may too easily overlook what has been done in this 
district) that I undertake this paper. Mr Hubert T. Knox, Mr E. 
Holt, Mr Lyons and Miss Matilda Redington have laid Irish 
archaeology under a debt of gratitude for what they have done. 
I had the great advantage of seeing several of the places here 
described under the guidance of the two latter antiquaries. The 
recent visit of the Society of Antiquaries to the district also seems 
to call for some memorial of the forts seen by them, many even of 
our members being unacquainted with the invaluable methodic 
work done on the earthworks and ring walls of the province of 

The remains here described lie in the Barony of Dunkellin, at 
the end of Galway Bay, and a few just beyond its limits, near 
Kinvara, and in Leitrim and Loughrea, and one visited by our 
Society further north in the Tuam district. 

The fort names are rarely of much interest, that most sugges- 
tive, " Dunbulcaun," probably refers to the legendary Bolcan, son 
of Ban, son of Illan. His son, Boirenn (we are told, oblivious of 
the fact that Boirenn only implies the " Rocky district " of Cor- 
camodruad) is said to have given his name to Burren in North 
Western Clare. He came from Spain, a favourite starting place 
in later forms of Irish legend, and the great hills of grey, terraced 
limestone in Burren are well seen " fringing the southern sky " 
from the ramparts of Bolcan 's fort. 

The Firbolg legend of the sons of Umor, just before our era, 
appealed so much to 'Donovan, Petrie and their followers that 
'it warped Irish archaeology for over 60 years, and still blinds the 


eyes of many to any other aspect of the question. Yet this deep 
interest did not lead 'Donovan to describe what he believed were 
" Firbolgian Cahers " on the mainland. He dismisses them with 
the naive statement that, as no Doric, Ionic or Corinthian struc- 
tures are found in ancient Ireland, so the Tuatha De Danann and 
Fir Bolg colonies must have left Greece before those orders were 
invented I 1 which appeals to few antiquaries nowadays. He and 
! his school found this short-lived and tiny tribe (which could dwell 
in nine raths) most convenient for fathering all the hundreds of 
forts from Clew Bay to the Shannon, and even in Kerry. He even 
asserts that the " Hound's Grave " was made " by the Bolgae," 
proving that these people erected monuments to their favourite 
dogs." 2 He looked in vain for Guaire's dun though, as we shall 
see, there is an early and remarkable fort in the townland of 

As has been repeated many times the sons of Umor, rack- 
rented in Meath, fled to Queen Medb, who planted them on the 
skirts of Connacht 3 (then including Co. Clare) some at the end 
of Galway Bay. Cutra was settled at Lough Cooter, Beara at 
Finnavara 4 (not Kinvara, which is the same as the names Kenmare 
and Kinsale " Head of the Sea ") and Taman, at Tawin Island; 
the others do not concern our district. Dunbulcaun and its sister 
forts stand in Maarea, Meatliraige, called from Meadraige, son of 
Torchar, son of Tromda, son of Calatrum, who came in the year 
a.d. 195, " out of an Island of Western Spain, to the strand of 
Medraide " to join Lugaid McCon and shared his decisive victory at 
Magh Muchrimhe not far away. Meadraige fell in the moment of 
victory at Clarinbridge ford (Ath Cliath of Meadraide), 5 one of the 
.places (with its namesake of Dublin) which earlier were chosen 
to mark the division of Ireland by Conn Hundred-battles and Eogan 
Mog Nuadat, as " Leith Chuinn " and " Leith Moga " in a.d. 123. 
Hence the district of Ui Fiachrach Aidne extends inland and we 
find a memento of its greatest monarch, Guaire " the hospitable " 
of Gort, a.d. 650, at Dungoora, his seaside residence. There were 
at least two' sacred places in pagan times, Roevehagh and Slieve 
Aughty. Sliab Echtge was called after a horrible goddess, fed on 
children's flesh, in its wildernesses, an evident tradition of human 

1 Ordnance Survey Letters, Gcdway (MSS. B. I. A., 14 C 20), pp. 299- 

2 Ibid., (14 C 22), p. 108. 

3 Kennes Dind Senchas (Bev. Celt., XVI, p. 135) and Metrical Dind 
,Shenchas (ed. E. Gwynn, Todd Lectures Series X, p. 445). 

* Identified more than doubtfully by O'Donovan as a place on Loch 
Derg (O. S. Letters 14, C. 21, p. 171). 
5 Bev. Celt., XV, pp. 458-460. 

Plate XXI ] 

[To face page 168. 


eyes of many to any other aspect of the question. Yet this deep 
interest did not lead 'Donovan to describe what he believed were 
" Firbolgian Callers " on the mainland. He dismisses them with 
the naive statement that, as no Doric, Ionic or Corinthian struc- 
tures are found in ancient Ireland, so the Tuatha De Danann and 
Fir Bolg colonies must have left Greece before those orders were 
invented I 1 which appeals to few antiquaries nowadays. He and 
: his school found this short-lived and tiny tribe (which could dwell 
in nine raths) most convenient for fathering all the hundreds of 
forts from Clew Bay to the Shannon, and even in Kerry. He even 
asserts that the " Hound's Grave " was made " by the Bolgae," 
*' proving that these people erected monuments to their favourite 
dogs." 2 He looked in vain for Guaire's dun though, as we shall 
see, there is an early and remarkable fort in the townland of 

As has been repeated many times the sons of Umor, rack- 
rented in Meath, fled to Queen Medb, who planted them on the 
skirts of Connacht 3 (then including Co. Clare) some at the end 
of Galway Bay. Cutra was settled at Lough Cooter, Beara at 
Finnavara 4 (not Kinvara, which is the same as the names Kenmare 
and Kinsale " Head of the Sea ") and Taman, at Tawin Island; 
the others do not concern our district. Dunbulcaun and its sister 
forts stand in Maarea, Meathraige, called from Meadraige, son of 
Torchar, son of Tromda, son of Calatrum, who came in the year 
a . d . 195, " out of an Island of Western Spain, to the strand of 
Medraide ' ' to join Lugaid McCon and shared his decisive victory at 
Magh Muchrimhe not far away. Meadraige fell in the moment of 
victory at Clarinbridge ford (Ath Cliath of Meadraide), 5 one of the 
.places (with its namesake of Dublin) which earlier were chosen 
to mark the division of Ireland by Conn Hundred-battles and Eogan 
Mag Nuadat, as " Leith Chuinn " and " Leith Moga " in a.d. 123. 
Hence the district of Ui Fiachrach Aidne extends inland and we 
find a memento of its greatest monarch, Guaire " the hospitable " 
of Gort, a.d. 650, at Dungoora, his seaside residence. There were 
at least two' sacred places in pagan times, Roevehagh and Slieve 
Aughty. Sliab Echtge was called after a horrible goddess, fed on 
children's flesh, in its wildernesses, an evident tradition of human 

1 Ordnance Survey Letters, Galway (MSS. B. I. A., 14 C 20), pp. 299- 

2 Ibid., (14 C 22), p. 108. 

3 Rennes Dind Senchas (Bev. Celt., XVI, p. 135) and Metrical Dind 
.Shenchas (ed. E. Gwynn, Todd Lectures Series X, p. 445). 

4 Identified more than doubtfully by O'Donovan as a place on Loch 
Derg (O. S. Letters 14, C. 21, p. 171). 

5 Bev. Celt., XV, pp. 458-460. 




sacrifices. " Echtge the horrible " was in one legend said to be 
•daughter of the kind and gracious god Nuada. 6 There was more 
than one trace of tree worship; the famous " red birch tree," the 
Bile, whose name, Euad beitech, is still commemorated in the 
name Eoevehagh, grew in a dry stone ring wall or " Cashel 
which was destroyed and the tree cut down in 1143. Several 
~" Billew trees " grew, in 1840, at the well of the Seven Daughters 
at Cammanagh. 

Ath Cliath Medraide had another legend, found in the Dind- 
senchas, like that of Echtge. 7 The Connacht men raided Munster 
(Thomond) and brought the herds of Dartaid daughter of Eegamon 
to the ford. They were pursued by Eochu, King of Clm, and by 
Eegamon himself. The Seven Maines walled the ford of Clarin- 
Jbridge with hurdles of thorns, hence the component clar, and 
behind the entanglement held back the preponderant forces of 
Munster till the troops of Aillil and Medb came to their relief. We 
also hear that Hy Fiachrach Aidne was named Mag n Aidne from 
Aidne, son of Alguba, who first kindled a fire there for the 
Milesians by wringing his hands. 8 He also made forts and cleared 
the plain of forest. One suspects him of being a fire god, like Cian, 
father of Lug, the ancestor of the Cianachta. The plain is said 
in the euhemerist chronology to have been cleared in the reign of 
Eochaid Fobarglas (" a.m. 3727 " or B.C. 1474) which w T ould give it 
•a respectable antiquity if credible. There, also, died of the plague 
.another mythic king, Muineamhon, in " a.m. 3872," or B.C. 1329 
in the euhemerist scheme embodied in the Annals of the Four 
Masters. Ui Fiachra Aidne corresponds very nearly to the Diocese 
of Kilmacduach; the Tarn bo Eegamna 9 shows that Ath Cliath 
was in Crich n 6c Beathra and O'Dugan's topography makes 
■Oga Beathra a cantred of the same district. 

Clarinbridge Group (Ordnance Survey Map No. 95). 

Dunbulcaun. — This fort 16 gives its name to one of the long, 
iingerdike creeks at the end of Galway Bay and which (seen from 
the Mountains of Burren or the Carker Pass) so strongly suggest 
« " silver hand " like that of Nuada, the god of river estuaries and 

6 So kind that votive tablets in his temple at Lydney record not only 
his saving one worshipper from a wolf, but even his recovering a stolen 
ring for another (" Roman Eemains in Lydney Park," Plates XX, 

7 Rev. Celt., xv, p. 458-9. 

8 Ibid., p. 460. 

9 Tain Bo Regamna, " Heroic Romances of Ireland," A. H. Leahy, 
IT, and Miss Hull's Ouchullin Saga, pp. 103-7. 

10 See Galway Archaeological and Historical Soc, vii, p. 234, by Mi* 

:e. w. l. Holt. 


branches, the Boyne, the Thames and the Severn, whose daughter 
is commemorated in the hills on the eastern sky line. Dunbulcainx 
has been carved out of a natural hillock the platform of which 
commanded the cove. It has many traces of stone facing and is 
girt by a ring with a sunken way or fighting terrace on the top, 6- 
feet wide and rising up to 10 feet over the main fosse. The mound 
itself rises over 12 feet to the N.W. but from its rounded outline 
the summit is hard to define, being from 120 feet to 136 feet across.. 
There is trace of a dry stone wall round the platform and many 
remains of stone facing are seen. There are marks of what is 
probably a slight outer fosse, perhaps even a second one, to the 
S.E. but the works have been greatly injured by the potato fields 
of the neighbouring houses. The fort is about 210 feet over all and 
slopes southward towards the shore; the gangway is probably late,, 
perhaps even modern. 

Rathgurreen. — " Rawgurreen," as it is locally called, lies in 
" Cottage " townland and is a very fine and typical earthwork. 11 
It is on high ground farther back in the peninsula to the N.W. of 
Dunbulcaun. It commands a noble outlook to the open bay at one- 
point and to the mountains of Aughty and Burren; indeed, I am 
told Mount Nephin in Mayo can be seen from it northward in 
clearer weather than even the fine day of my visit. 

The central fort has a high ring rising 10 feet to 18 feet over 
the inner fosse and 9 feet to 6 feet respectively at the east and west' 
of the garth. It encloses an oval space about 140 feet to 158 feet 
in diameter. Outside are two fosses and rings, the whole from' 
280 feet to 300 feet over all. The ramparts were stone-faced at all 
points, in some cases with blocks 3 feet to 4 feet (and even 5 feet); 
long and over 2 feet thick. The arrangements suggests that at Rath- 
sonnach at Masonbrook, though on a somewhat smaller scale. The 
ring rises 10 feet over the fosse and has a hollow way round the- 
summit not merely worn but carefully fenced to either side; it i?- 
27 feet wide below and of variant widths at top. In one point the* 
hollow and its walls are each 6 feet wide ; in another its width k 
twice as great and the walls barely 3 feet thick. The fosse is 9 
feet wide in the bottom and 30 feet at the level of the ring. There 
seems to be a local tendency to regard this " hollow way " as for 
ceremonial processions and the fort as a sacred mound. It is a 
plausible and tempting view, but I regard it as far more probable 
that the arrangement was a modification of the " fighting terrace " 
or banquette found in other forts. I have never found any such 

11 See Galway Archaeological and Historical Society, vii, p. 229. 


feature in places of acknowledged religious and ceremonial usage — 
Tara, Tailltiu, Magh Adair, Oenach Culi, Oenach Cairbre or Temair 
Erann. No record known to me nor any name implies a great 
assembly or Oenach at Rathgurreen or, indeed, in the Maarea 
peninsula. I do not find in my notes any record of a similar feature 
in the English and Continental forts, though I recall an illustration 
of a track along the summit of a mound in the former country. In 
Scotland Dr David Christison has illustrated a Scottish ring 16 
feet across the top, and up to 8 feet high with a hollow round the 
top, at the Castle Rings, Greenlaw. He illustrates, apparently, 
another somewhat similar case not unlike some of the forts south 
from Kilkee, Co. Clare, and along the Shannon near Liscrona, 12 
where a ring between two fosses is fenced on the outer side ; this 
is also true of the outermost ring of the spur fort at Black Castle 
Rings, Greenlaw, and of a fort at Addinston, but, unlike the 
previous cases, this only exists at the south-west segment down 
the hill slope. 13 Before any wide theory can be promulgated as 
to ceremonial processions the subject must receive more and wider 
study not confined to the forts of Ireland still less of one district 
in it. We have coresponding features (as we saw) at Masonbrook, 
at Lisroe near Caheradrineen and at (at least) Doonaghboy and 
Lisheencrony, Co. Clare, and the promontory fort of Dunbinnia, 
Co. Kerry, where no procession could encircle the fort, as, indeed, 
is the case at Addinston spur. The present gangway is probably an 
afterthought, though, judging from the gate pier, one of early 
times. The making of such an easy entrance must have greatly 
diminished the defensive value of such a fort, yet the rock cut 
examples, notably in the promontory forts, are certainly con- 
temporary with the original foundation. That at Rathgurreen is of 
the unusual width of 15 feet, the usual width being 6 to 8 feet wide. 
The lengths are 21 feet each at the ramparts and gangway, 15 feet 
at the ring. Two large set blocks remain of the north (right) pier 
of the gateway, and several others as large, or larger, have been 
thrown into the fosse beside it. In the south-west segment the 
ring passage is 8 feet wide, with inner and outer walls 4 feet and 3 
feet. Farther westward they are (all three) 6 feet each. The ring 
is rarely under 5 feet high outside, and with the walls may have 
been 10 feet. The work is most regular in its curves and a beauti- 
ful example of its class. 

Raknock. — I need barely allude to the little fort on a ridge 

12 Journal, xxxix. p. 124; Liscrona, xl, p. 211. 

13 Proc. Soc. Antt. Scot., 1895, pp. 133, 135, 149, " The Prehist. Forts of 
Selkirk/' &c. 


(75 in Galway Society's list) called Ra(th)knock or " Parker's 
Fort," not far from Rathgurreen. The ring is 9 feet high and thick 
on top; 30 feet at the base. The fosse is 9 feet wide below and 
the inner rampart 10 feet high above it, or 5 feet over the garth; 
it is 6 feet thick on top and 23 feet below, about 65 feet across the 
garth and 165 feet over all. 

Other small and usually defaced forts abound, one cut by the 
road near Garraun has an interesting and well-preserved souter- 
rain, corbelled and lintelled, with a rounded end to the south, 
about 15 feet long by 6 feet 6 inches. A small ope at the north 
end leads, up and down steps in a narrow passage to another 
chamber ; the lintels are thin and from 3 feet to 3 feet 6 inches wide. 

The Hound's Grave. — A very curious feature, on which I find 
it hard to form judgment, is known as the " Hound's Grave " or 
" the dogs' grave." 15 It is a very shallow, saucer-like basin on the 
top of a low natural ridge in a field called " Brady's Curka " beside 
a creek. It belongs to Mr Cloonan of Ballynacloghy. In the basin 
is a very slight raised little space like the body of a dog in outline, 
but without the neck, legs and tail shown in the drawing of 1815. 
It is 10 feet to 11 feet long and about 3 feet wide. It seems to have 
been first sketched in 1815 and sent by John Kennedy (Seudan 
Mc Cineide as he writes himself down) to one Patrick Lynch in 
Dublin, who had written a life of St Patrick. Later on, Denis 
O'Flynn of Cork sent it, or an extract relating to it, from an 
Irish manuscript to James Hardiman, the well-known historian of 
Galway. It lies on the low shore of Ballynaoourty townland at 
Leagan Corcidh. The writer says: " Noting the miraculous fact 
that in spite of all the depredations committed by swine and the 
treading of cows and horses, it renews its form every succeeding 
summer, which I found to be manifest." The drawing came to 
'Donovan's hand but I do not think from his language that he 
saw the figure. He at once decided fhat it was a Firbolg monu- 
ment, and argues as to their regard for their favourite hounds. The 
•dog belonged to " Eadh McGarriod," " a giant who gave his name 
to Maarea "; the name " Luigin Corcidh" was forgotten but 
" Curka " may be an echo. Aedh was wont to watch a weir on the 
creek but one day he fell asleep, the hound scraped at the bank, 
and the sea broke in and drowned both man and dog. Or when 
Aedh was drowning in Poulee (named from him) he whistled to the 
hound, which he had chained to a stone in Ballynacloughy. It 
broke the rock, leaving half in Ballynacloughy, two miles away 

15 Ord. Survey Letters, Galway (14 C 22), pp. 108-110; Galway Soc, vii, 
pp. 44-48. The place was named Legancurkee or Legancurka. 


(where the stone long remained near a fort to the north-east of the 
village) dragging the other part to the creek. Too late to save its 
master it buried itself on the shore, dying of grief. A man one St 
John's Eve broke the block at the creek and was soon afterwards- 
drowned. Mr J. Gwyrrn points out that Aedh was son of Garadh 
Glundubh and nephew to Goll, son of Moirne. Donn, son of Aedh, 
was the last of that race, and was turned into a stag and slain by 
Oisin's hounds in a variant of the Hippolytus legend. A poem 
recently published (The Galway Arch. Journal, vii, p. 54) 
shows that the legend that Aedh watched and was drowned 
by the sea waves and buried on the shore, was at least of 
considerable antiquity. It is certainly strange, as Kennedy 
says over a century before my visit, that in so exposed a place a 
slight marking, only perhaps 6 or 8 inches higher than its basin, 
should still remain unobliterated when so many great earthworks- 
have perished. Whether he supplied the tail and legs from 
imagination, or someone had actually added them, may be 
questioned, or whether the whole grew out of the resemblance to 
a hound, or whether the figure is of any greater antiquity than 
1815 and has escaped by some accident to our day, are more easy 
to ask than to conjecture an answer. 

Caheradrineen. — It is noticeable that the three largest ring forts; 
in this part of Co. Galway, and some of the exceptionally large 
ones elsewhere, enclose churches. The other two examples have- 
very early remains, this one has a late building. The attempt by 
an English antiquary to extend to Ireland the theory that large 
forts are tribal and small ones feudal castles is absolutely dis- 
credited in its universal application, and it were most .unwise to 
set up any sweeping theory for Ireland ; to make, for example, forts 
like Kiltiernan or Cloncagh necessarily prehistoric or our smaller 
forts late ! The probabilities are strong in favour of an incon- 
veniently large fort (as the comparatively small size of several Tara 
and Eathcroghan forts show that Celtic chiefs did not desire very 
large enclosures) having been given to the church. It was filled 
with the wicker, wooden and clay huts (of a community showing all 
the shades of ecclesiastical character from the austere " inclusus 
and the regular clergy to a lay element) which' crowded the garth 
and left no trace save the church building. The great blocks and 
rampart of Caheradrineen suggest to my mind that it was a 
secular and possibly pre-Christian structure, though it lacks the 
thick ramparts of the Aran, Clare and other forts. 16 It lies beside- 

16 "Ancient Forts of Ireland," Section 95, PL VI, Galway Society, vii,. 
p. 220. 


the main road from Oranmore to Clarinbridge, in Cregganmore 
townland, and measures about 450 feet over all, though the older 
maps seem to make it about 500 feet. Much of the masonry is 
very large, as may be seen by the photographs, up to 7 feet high , 
.above which it is much smaller. This probably implies that with- 
out scaffolding the difficulty of raising the large blocks led to those 
of more portable size being laid by men working on the top of the 
wall. The filling is of small, loose field stones. There are several 
reaches of small masonry in the rampart, most probably implying 
late repairs ; one 36 feet eastward from the main (southern) gate- 
way. Of the gates the southern has a left jamb formed of a single 
block, 5 feet either way, running through the whole thickness of 
the wall at that point; the other jamb is removed. The north gate 
is 8 feet wide, with jambs of coursed masonry; the wall there is 7 
feet thick and high. This thinness of the ramparts — 6 to 9 feet — 
is common in South Galway, unlike the great masses — 15 to 25 feet 
thick — in the forts of Mayo, Aran, Clare and Kerry. The blocks 
'are often larger but do not show the beautiful curves and fitting 
of the Minister forts, though this may be because of the ruder and 
more shapeless cleavage of the local limestone. At Caheradrineen 
(to take a few examples) we find to the east of the north gate 
blocks 5 feet 9 inches long by 2 feet thick, and blocks from 4 to 
6 feet long are common. In the centre of the garth are the founda- 
tions and south wall of what is evidently a small church of the 
14th or 15th century ; all its features are destroyed. All round it 
(but not from any one central point) long late walls " radiate " (if 
I may use the term) to the rampart, cutting up the garth into 
fields. I cannot say whether they follow old lines. A sort of low 
raised band, perhaps a roadway, like the lane on the south side 
surrounds the northern segment. The high road runs round the 
eastern face. 

Lisroe. — Not far from the great cathair and to the north-east 
across the road is an interesting ring fort called Lisroe. The works 
are complex, consisting of an outer ditch 3 feet deep and 8 feet 
wide below; a ring (10 feet thick below and 3 feet on top, 6 feet 
6 inches high outside and 3 feet inside) a banquette which, like 
the cases named in Co. Clare, is only walled on the outer face ; it is 
usually 18 feet to 20 feet wide ; an inner fosse 6 feet deep and wide 
below, and an inner ring 10 feet high, 20 feet thick below and 6 
feet thick on top. The mounds were stone-faced. The garth is 
oval from 120 feet to over 140 feet across. There are several loops 
or house enclosures — 24 feet to 30 feet across — inside, round the 
south-west segment, and one to the south-east; from the last runs a 


-curved traverse 10 to 12 feet and even 14 feet thick. Some of the 
iacing slabs are of considerable size — 4 or 5 feet long and up to 
-3 feet 6 inches high — behind the house loops and along the gang- 
way. The latter runs slightly east of south and is 15 feet wide 
though only 9 feet long. 

Eahaneena. — A high little fort (but whether originally crescent - 
shaped in plan, abutting on an existing scarp, or simply a ring fort 
Jialf cut away by a fall of the high bank of the shore — 40 or 50 feet 
high — I cannot decide) stands on a precipice on the bank of the 
creek north from Tyrone House. It has a pleasing view of the 
plantations of that demesne, and the mountains of Burren, grey 
.and terraced, across the water, and up the winding river to the 
■open sea. Northward we see, across Dunbulcaun creek, the green 
mount and fort of Rathgurreen, already described. Eahaneena 
consists of a nigh ring, a garden of wild hyacinths and blue soap- 
wort, a fosse and a very low outer ring. The main rampart is 13 
feet to 17 feet high outside and 6 feet inside ; it is very steep and 
7 feet 6 inches wide on top, enclosing a garth about 100 feet wide 
.and 150 feet over all. The fosse varies much in depth but is usually 
6 to 8 feet deep; it is 9 feet wide below and 27 feeb at the field. 
A similar but less perfect fort is unmarked on the maps and cut 
by the laneway wnich avoids Eahaneena. It has a fosse 6| feet 
deep and 9 feet wide below; the ends abut on the cliff. In the 
same field to the north is a greatly injured large fort about 160 
feet across inside and 250 feet over all. There is a narrow " de- 
fining trench " 6 feet wide round the mound, which is 6 to 7 feet 
high ; large facing blocks remain ; only the east and west segments 
are in any degree preserved. 

Wild swans abound in these creeks, and especially in the lake 
near the beautiful and venerable church of Dromacoo. It is con- 
sidered most unlucky to shoot these noble birds. I have heard of 
-a farmer who did so and his wife died and their son was drowned. 

Kilcornan Demesne. 

There are some remains of great interest, though, as a rule, 
much defaced, in the beautiful demesne of the .Redingtons. 17 In 
it also lies a spot of legendary interest connected with the cycle of 
events bound up with King Art of Tar a and Oilioll Aulom, 
probably shadows of actual rulers, about a.d. 200. The battle of 
Magh Muchrimhe is said to have been fought about a.d. 195 by 
Xugaid MacCon, foster son of Oilioll Aulom, King of Munster, 

17 Galway Soc, vi, p. 167; also i, p. 8. 


Eogan and his six brothers, sons of Oilioll, falling in the fierce 
combat. The traditional site of the battle seems fairly well located 
in the low fields called Turlogh Airt at the steep-sided well where- 
the doomed monarch drank. The pursuit extended to Ath Cliath or 
Clarinbridge, just beyond a curious fort in the demesne. The site 
of a large rock called Cloch lei airt is known where late tradition 
said that half the king's body fell at last from his horse about a 
quarter of a mile south-west from the well. An old man told the 
story to my informant, Miss Matilda Redington, and asking one 
of her servants, the latter said she had heard it from her own 
mother. The rock lay on a craggy knoll near two old hawthorns- 
about 250 feet west from the wall of a large plantation and 70 feet 
to the south-west of a large ash tree. It is near the site of a village 
the inhabitants of which were transplated to other houses when 
it was broken up. The whole lies south of some very curious- 
enclosures in the plantation along the demesne wall beside the 
road running eastward from Clarinbridge. There are two editions 
of the Magh Muchrimhe saga in Revue Celtique and in Silva 
Gadelica, u and the story is told by Keating, so a long account is- 
unnecessary. Lugaid, in rather modem fashion, "dug himself in,' r 
making trenches, " dug outs " and entanglements of hurdles and 
spear points; he mixed his soldiers so that each, whether Briton. 
Albanach or Gaedhil, had a man of alien race to either side, so that 
none dared to desert. Lugaid "raged like a bear among piglings,"" 
and the concealed warriors issued from their hiding places while 
the fortunes hung even till Art's army was routed with great 
slaughter to Ath Cliath on the borders of Og Bethra. Oilioll's seven 
sons fell and were buried north of the ford. Their uncle, Lugaid 
Laga, beheaded Beine, a Briton who had slain the eldest, Eogan, 
on a rock at Turloch Airt, and being rebuked by Lugaid MacCon 
promised to bring King Art's head, returned, broke through the 
fugitives and fulfilled his promise, and Lugaid MacCon is said to 
have seized the throne of Tara for many }-ears. I carefully re- 
examined the remains figured by Miss Redington with her sketch- 
map and descriptions, which I found very reliable, save that the 
great oblong " court " is not rectangular. It lies beside the north- 
wall of the demesne and is a great enclosure from 43 to 38 yards 
across, with steep mounds 7 to 10 feet ; high, and from 13 feet wide- 
on top to 25 feet at the base. The ditch is 7 to 12 feet wide and 
4 feet deep. In the north-west angle of the court is a house site, 
and another adjoins the west side a little further south. The mam 

ls Bev. Celt., xiii, p. 426; and Silva Gad., ii, p. 355. 


^south-east corner is destroyed and several round hollows, perhaps 
hut sites, can be traced. There is a curved mound outside the 
south-west angle and a sort of gangway to the middle of the east 
wall. The trees and shrubs in the wet and dark period of my visit 
were a hindrance to study. The modern plantation wall south of 
the " court " runs along a levelled, straight mound or even road- 
way ; another well-marked road at right angles runs from the west 
of the great enclosure southward; it is 6 feet wide between two 
walls of like thickness. East of it is the south half of a ring, its 
wall 9 feet thick and from 40 to 50 feet over all. Eastward, 12 
feet to 16 feet farther, is a straight-sided enclosure. South from 
the last is a circular hollow about 70 feet across, with the founda- 
tions of a wall round its western segment, and trace of a fosse 
outside this running round to the south and south-east. A track 
runs from the fosse to the north-east past a large rock. Farther 
eastward, going along the northern plantation, we find a round 
terrace curving towards the gangway of the court. The wall runs 
southward and then eastward 10 to 12 feet outside the modem 
fence, and parallel to it farther south an old track leads north of 
the detached plantation to the site of the village and the low rocky 
platform of the Clochleiairt. 

Westward from the last group of works towards Clarinbridge 19 is 
a strange earthwork marked on the new maps on the edge of the 
steep slope north of the river. It may be described as a large fort 
of crescent or bow-like plan, the chord along the bluff. At each end 
is a small fairly circular bastion. It measures in all, east and 
west about 350 feet, and 270 feet north and south or about 256 feet 
and 210 feet inside. A fosse runs round the curve and the bastions 
4 feet deep and 9 feet wide below as so usual. The mound is 8 feet 
high and 15 feet thick below; I saw no trace of stonework. Two 
loops adjoin it inside at the eastern segment, beside the more 
southern is the present entrance ; if the latter is old the loop may 
be a porter's lodge. The mounds are slightly spread and hard to 
measure. On the avenue leading from the north to Kilcornan 
Castle is a basin or bullan 12 to 13 inches across worked in granite 
block. There are some other basins. Two are near the traditional 
site of a little chapel of the penal days. Its foundation shows walls 
2 feet thick, the interior 12 feet by 14 feet; strange to say the 
doorway gap is to the east, where is trace of a larger enclosure. 
Against the west wall a rude slab rests on two stones. Of the 

19 One recalls the interesting Gaulish inscription in " Celtic Inscrip- 
tions in France and Italy " (Brit. Acad., 1906, p. 317, Gueret). " Fronto, 
;3on of Tarbaso, made the rath for the bridge people " if the translation 
_is confirmed. 



basins, one is circular and one large and oblong, 3 feet by 1 foot 
6 inches and 6 inches deep. Another lies some 60 yards south of 
Kilcornan; it is 3 feet x 1 foot 10 inches x 6 inches. A neat medi- 
aeval church with an interesting ambry and a handsome modern 
cross stands near the avenue at that side. 

Kiltiernan Group (Ordnance Survey 103j. 

To the south-east of Kilcornan, as we go towards Ardrahan, we 
pass the remains of a venerable church called Kiltiernan, inside 
the foundation of a great ring wall in a low, featureless, grassy 
country ne,ar a lake. The ring is slightly larger than Cahera- 
drineen, being from 467 feet to 485 feet over all. It was a most 
massive rampart but only 8 feet to 11 feet thick. The gate was to 
the south-west, where the wall was 8 feet thick. The outer block 
of the right jamb is 4 feet 9 inches long, the inner over 3 feet. 
An avenue runs to the church about 130 feet away. Three large, 
irregular enclosures join the wall inside at the west segment. In 
the most southern lies a souterrain 18 feet to 20 feet long and 
6 feet wide, nearly filled with stones; its large lintels are bare to 
the sky and many still in place. Two other rude semi-circles join 
the rampart to the south-east. Oblong enclosures surround the 
church, and a rude oblong hollow (walled round) lies to the north- 
east from it. The little oratory is of fine primitive masonry. It has a 
west door 6 feet 1 inch high and 30 inches to 27 inches wide, the 
sides slightly inclining. The lintel is 5 feet 6 inches long. The 
south side wall shows that there were antae to the east, overlaid 
inside by late masonry, but this is contemporary with the very 
early south window, a primitive ope with an angular head of two 
pitched slabs and two irregular blocks outside. 

Caherweelder. — This seems to be a small late bawn most 
strangely modified by later builders. 20 It is a ring wall about 120 
feet across of rather poor, coarse masonry and is fairly perfect, its 
wall 7 feet to 9 feet 6 inches high and only 6 feet to 7 feet thick. 
In the east north-east segment is a solid, dry, stone turret 10 feet 
high or 3 feet above the wall, and 21 feet x 10 feet to 11 feet over 
all. It has the inexplicable feature of a flight of steps outside 
rising in a slightly curved wedge from 4 inches to 24 inches long 
and very variant sizes. The entrance gap lies opposite to the 
tower ; it seems to have had roughly built piers 6 feet apart. There 
are no foundations in the garth. 

Roevehagh. — The Cashel which enclosed the Bile tree, the 
Red Birch, was entirely wrecked by the troops of King Toirdeal- 
bach Ua Briain of Thomond in 1143. Though search has natur- 

20 Illustrated, Galway Soc, vii, p. 83; no description. 


ally been made since 1838 for this tree sanctuary, ancient or 
modern vandals accomplished their work too well to have left any 
trace. No ring wall remains at Eoevehagh, but I may suggest 
that a regular semicircular bend in the lane way to the east of the 
village may mark a diversion (as so frequently) out of respect to 
a fort site and may mark the Cashel. Miss Eedington after long 
search only found the foundation of an ancient winding line of 
wall near it. 

Dunkellin. — The Castle of Dunkellin 21 (which, as usual with 
the English, was adopted as a name for the barony) seems to stand 
in a shield-shaped enclosure or platform, rounded to the west, 
with a fosse there and to the south. This is not (as I was told) a 
mote but a low platform about 90 feet long. There is a sort of 
terrace on the north next the river, but all is defaced by debris. 
Many old house sites lie between it and the church; only the 
corners of the latter remain. Miss Eedington remembers more cf 
the walls and window sills now removed. West of the castle lies 
a curious fragment — a portion of a pigeon house with rows of nests. 
On the bluff across the rivulet was a large crescent fort (abutting 
on the bank) called Caher an Earla in 1838, now much obliterated. 
In it was a small mound called " Clanrickard's chair," where (it 
is said) the Hibernicized Burkes used to be inaugurated. It is 
remembered but all trace seems gone. 

Dungoora (Ordnance Survey 113) 

Eeaders of the Irish Imrama or sea-sagas (which form so 
attractive a branch of native literature) will recall the story of the 
" Voyage of the Hui Corra." 22 Conall and Canderig,' a childless 
couple, prayed to Satan for offspring and promised to dedicate the 
children to him in pagan baptism. The evil prayer was heard, 
but the three young men, after many cruel deeds, came to the un- 
plundered church of Kinvara? saw a glorious winter sunset and 
the sea unfrozen while the lakes were sheeted with ice. Im- 
pressed by these wonders they repented and deserted their patron, 
going out for forty days in a skin curragh " to seek the Lord on 
the sea." The wonders beheld by them among the uncharted 
islands do not tell us anything of their point of departure. 

The opinion that Dungoora Castle stood in an early fort has 
no evidence. 23 Mr Martyn, of Tullira, repaired and cleared the 
ruin, and nothing but late mortar-built walls encircle the level- 
topped, grassy knoll and crag on which the peel tower stands. 

21 Galway Soc, vii, p. 68. 22 Bev. Celt., xiv, p. 537, sqq. 

23 See Journal, ii, p. 59. 


To the north, however, beyond a shallow creek, we find an 
early and very remarkable fort in the townland of Dungoora East, 
beside the outflow of the underground river; this may be the actual 
" Durlus " of King Guaire the Hospitable in the mid-seventh 

The neck of the low headland is fenced by a curved fosse con- 
vex to the land 12 feet wide below and 6 to 8 feet deep ; the mound 
at present rises little over the field, and is 20 feet thick at the 
base and 3 feet on top, probably once capped by a dry stone wall. • 
Behind it is a glacis 24 feet to over 40 feet wide and at its summit 
is a high ring fort, its base marked by a small ditch 6 to 8 feet 
wide and a few feet deep. The rampart is 8 to 10 feet high out- 
side and 3 feet below the garth, being 6 feet thick on top and 
18 feet below. The interior is rough, strewn with large boulders, 
and about 80 feet across. The gangway is to the east, and about 
35 feet from it southward are two large blocks in the outer ring 
of t ! he fosse, 6 and 7 feet long and about 6 feet apart, like piers of 
a gate ; they may have fenced a ladder before the present entrance 
was cut. At the back of the fort, running down the slope west 
south-west from the outer ring of the fosse, is a sunken way 12 
feet w 7 ide, kerbed and with mounds 6 feet thick to either side. It, 
too, may have led to a ladder. The outer ditch is about 237 feet 
long, and (about 50 feet from the south end) has a gangway 9 feet 
wide, opposite to that in the central fort. No hut sites are 
apparent. The uncleared garth suggests that it was never 

There is a beautiful outlook southward past the dark pictur- 
esque castle to the terraced 'hills of Turlough, 24 Slieve Carran, 
with Carnbow T er on its platform and the hills over Corcomroe 
Abbey. The stump of a castle older than that of Dungoora is on 
an islet farther south. 

Forts between Clarinbridge and Athenry (Ordnance Survey 96) 

Templegal. — Near the interesting tower of Derrydonnell 
Castle, beside the railway from Athenry to Oranmore, we see the 
ivied wall of fine masonry of a small and very early church — 
Templegal. The west end, without a door, and the north wall 
still stand; the latter has a plinth, but the rest, with all features, 
has fallen into a heap of overgrown debris. The ruin is in the 
middle of a third great ring wall larger than Caheradrineen, about 
450 feet across. It is all defa-ced, though of large blocks, and I 

24 For the problematical fort or hill sanctuary in Turlough Mountain, 
see Journal, xxxv, p. 520. 


could not measure its actual thickness. Near the castle is a 
bulldn 18 inches to 19 inches across, cut in a block 24 inches x 
29 inches. It may have belonged to the church and lies near a 

Cahercrine. — This is a remarkably fine and perfect ring wall 
on a slightly raised, rocky platform in a tangle of fields. It is of 
very large blocks, laid as stretchers, 4 to 5 feet long by 3 feet as 
a rule. The wall is about 10 feet high, inside and out, of two well 
built faces and packed with large stones. The gateway faces east, 
where the wall is 12 feet thick ; the lower part of the right pier of 
large slabs alone remains. Inside are the remains of late houses 
and enclosures, with an avenue and the ope < of what is probably a 
souterrain. The fort measures about 280 feet over all. 

Caherscoobye. — Nearer to Athenry is a fort almost entirely re- 
built, evidently in very modern times. The lower courses of the 
wall and of the right pier of the gate are early. It is very irregular 
in plan, almost running to an angle to the south-west and near 
the door. The masonry is nowhere large and the packing full of 
fossil corals. The wall is 8 feet thick and about as high. 

Clamper spark. — South-west from Athenry there is a nameless 
and much injured fort in Clamperspark which gives interesting 
evidence of early rebuilding. The lower part of the rampart for 
3 or 4 feet up is of large, well-fitted blocks with a regular batter 
of 1 in 5 and 87 inches thick. Above this and between the large 
blocks in the upper portion of the older wall it has been rebuilt 
with absurdly small stones. The inner facing is fairly large, and 
also batters, which, is not very usual. There are no old house 
loops in the garth. 

Forts near Ardrahan (Ordnance Survey 114). 

There is much of interest to be seen at and near Ardrahan : the 
Norman Castle with the curious earthworks of the old town, the 
stump of the round tower and other remains. Near it are several 
well-preserved peel towers, as Eallymacquiff, Dromharna and 
Craggynagreina, with these a tourist usually rests content. 

Doox Lackan. — One of the fine outworks common in the 
county lies about a mile to the north-east of the village in a beauti- 
fully wooded demesne; it is only called Doon Fort. It is defended 
by two fosses and three rings beside the slight " defining ditch " 
outside. "Taking the south section as typical we have the outer 
ditch 4 to 6 feet deep and about as wide ; the outer ring 15 feet 
thick below, 3 feet on top, and 5 to 6 feet high; a fosse 9 feet 
below, 21 feet above ; the middle ring 21 feet to 6 feet thick and 


7 feet to 8 feet high ; the inmost fosse 12 to 33 feet wide and the 
central fort. The main rampart is over 11 feet high and from 
24 to 3 feet thick, hardly rising 3 feet above the garth. The 
enclosed space (densely overgrown with brushwood and hard to 
measure) is about 230 feet north and south and 270 feet to 280 feet 
east and west inside the ring. There is said to be a souterrain 
but we could find no trace. The fort garth is too thickly over- 
grown for accurate measurement. The whole is more than 350 
feet across over all, and is in excellent preservation. The entrance 
and gangways to the east are modern. 

Caherkelly. — South from Ardrahan, in a tangle of little stone- 
walled fields and bushes, we reach a cathair of some interest. It 
stands on a gently -rising ground with a wide, featureless outlook. 
The low, broken rampart exhibits large, ancient looking masonry 
to the north-west, east, and south-east, parts being from 5 to 8 
feet high and 9 feet thick, but large patches of inferior small and 
evidently late work appear, probably like some of the patchwork 
in the Glare forts, late mediaeval, even of the 14th century. The 
garth is about 133 feet to 136 feet across. In it is a souterrain 
running west-north-west to east-south-east for about 54 feet long, 
turning nearly at right angles for over 20 feet in a north-eastern 
direction. It is much choked with debris, and about 3 feet wide 
near the top, but probably widens downwards. A great traverse 
runs across the garth, approximately north and south, and it is 
7 feet thick and of large blocks. About the middle another similar 
wall ran eastward for about 60 feet to the rampart; only its 
foundation, a line of large blocks, remains. An unusual feature in 
stone forts occurs in an outer ring (only preserved to the south- 
west, south and south-east) about 12 to 14 feet outside the main 
rampart and 6 feet thick, of fairly large masonry. Usually when 
such a ring occurs it is 50 feet or more outside and has radiating 
walls cutting it into sections, probably to segregate herds of 
cattle. Of the 700 forts examined by me in Co. Clare the nearest 
case to Caherkelly is at the far more massive and archaic cliff 
fort of Cahercommaun. 

Other Forts Visited. 

To complete the forts visited by the Society in June, 1919, it 
is necessary to note three lying dispersedly in other parts of Co. 

Cahermorris (Ordnance Survey 56).— In the Barony of Clare, 
between the beautiful Franciscan Friary of that name, and the 
archiepiscopal town of Tuam lies a large and fine stone fort, called 


Cahermorris. It is marked on the maps as " site of a Castle "; 
we found no remains to justify this save a slight trace of a mortar- 
built gateway. These not infrequently occur, even in forts of un- 
doubted antiquity, like Dun Cearnmna on the old Head of Kinsale. 
I may note ones at Dunworley and other fortified headlands — 
Cahermacnaughten and Ballyallaban in Burren, Co. Clare, and 
Cahercugeola and others near Gort. The older maps also mark a 
non-existent castle at Cahermacnaughten. The cathair is of large, 
coarse masonry, 8 feet thick and up to 11 feet high, and is very 
irregular in plan, more D-shaped than circular; this, with the com- 
parative thinness of its walls (so characteristic of the stone forts 
we have so far examined) gives an impression of lateness as there 
is nothing in the level of the ground to prevent the archaic circular 
form, but I am, above all things, adverse to dogmatizing on a subject 
where so much has to be explored. The east side is nearly straight, 
with abruptly rounded " corners," one of which appears in the 
photograph. There is a rare feature in places; the two lower outer 
courses project slightly to form a double plinth, like those in 
some early churches and round towers. I have only noted a 
single plinth course in one other fort, the above-named Bally- 
allaban, a true ring. 

There are no old enclosures apparent inside the garth, but the 
bracken was dense and high at our visit. The structure (measured 
on the 25 inch maps) is about 260 feet to 270 feet each way, but 
I did not check this. A nearly levelled circular ring wall lies not 
far from it to the west. 

Kilreekil (Ordnance Survey 98).— A fine example of an adapted 
hillock, called by Mr H. T. Knox 25 Cunnikaire or Coniger— 
i.e., "'rabbit warren "—lies close to the village of Kilreekil, in 
the townland of Lecarrownagappoge, " half townland of the dock 
plants." It has three rings and two fosses, with slight traces of a 
third. The enclosed hillock has been very little modified in other 
respects. On its summit is a souterrain 26 Z-like in plan but nearly 
forming right angles; the slope drops boldy westward near its 
inner end. Taking a fair average section to the east we have an 
outer ring about a yard thick and high ; a fosse 15 feet wide ; a 
second ring 12 feet high and 12 feet thick at the base to 7 or 8 feet 
on top ; it rises barely a couple of feet inside ; a fosse 18 feet wide 
and the inner ring 5 feet high, 12 feet thick. Then we cross a 
fairly level reach about 18 feet wide, a terrace about 15 feet wide 
at the base of the slope. About 80 feet farther is the ope of the 
souterrain. The enclosed hillock is about 150 to 160 feet across 

* Galway Soc, x, p. 76 sqq. 

:6 Ibid., ix, p. 187 


and the whole works 370 feet over all, the second ring some 280' 
feet to nearly 300 feet over all, and the girth at the inner ring 
about 200 feet. It has a pleasant, rather featureless outlook on to- 
the distant blue peaks of Connemara. 

Rathsonny, Masonbrook (Ordnance Survey 106). — The finest 
earthwork of the Masonbrook group is called Rathsonny, " the 
fort of the palisade or abattis." It is in a thick plantation and is a 
large ring fort, not much raised above the field level, with a central 
ramj:>art and two fosses with an intervening ring, like that at Rath- 
gurreen marked by a sunken way. It has been well illustrated by 
Mr Knox 27 and his informant, but I may give my notes. On the 
east the outer fosse is 9 feet wide below and 4 to 5 feet deep, 
habitually wet. The ring is usually over 10 feet high, its outer 
wall being 18 feet thick at the base, the sunken way 27 feet wide 
and the inner 9 feet at the base, or about 54 feet thick below, and 
perhaps 36 or 37 feet on top. The inner fosse is wet, with an 
apparent spring, and is 15 feet wide below. The rampart of the 
central fort is over 12 feet high, 28 feet thick at the base, and 
10 feet on top ; the fort is nearly 300 feet over all and has a curved 
souterrain in the garth, which space swells up a little in the 
middle. It is very probable that the " cave " was an afterthought. 
I see no reason for regarding it or its congeners as sepulchral, many 
being evidently intended for refuge, with skilful obstacles for 
defensive purposes and quite different from the undoubted burial 
chambers, whether domes or cists, in Ireland or elsewhere. Per- 
haps the sonnach consisted of palisades to either side of the 
sunken way round the ring. The latter is very wide for a mere 
ceremonial avenue, were there even the least literary evidence for 
this usage or similar traces at the great religious centres and 
assembly places. The log track round an English disc barrow, 
noted by Sir W. Boyd Dawkins, and its equivalent at Temair 
Erann conjoined rings (Proc. B. I. Acach, xxxiii, p. 466) are of 
quite a different type. 

The other works at Masonbrook have been studied and excav- 
ated, in 1915, by Professor Maealister. 28 Irish Antiquaries owe 
much to the owner, Mr J. J. Smyth, for his kind hospitality to 
him and to our Society on its visit. Unfortunately, Rathsonny 
" was too large to attack with any hope of success, " and so was not 
excavated. The small ring near the Lodge, called the " seven 
monuments," only yielded negative results. It has been, unfor- 
tunately, repaired and the pillars set up again, but was not 
apparently a burial place, though perhaps a cenotaph or place of 

27 Galway Society, x, p. 82 2s p roc j? j Acad., xxxiii, p. 505. 


ceremonial. The tumulus is narrow and very oval, 115 feet long 
and 20 feet wide ; the sides rise in three stages marked by terrace-, 
the lowest 22 feet high, its terrace 14 feet wide with a slightly 
kerbed edge. The second terrace is 8 feet high and wide, the last 
5 feet high, the whole about 35 feet high. It consists of gravel 
and boulders and is probably modelled escar. 

Professor Macalister suggests that it may have been an in- 
auguration mound. In view of this it is interesting to note that 
the conjoined tumuli at Oenach chuli or Clochair 29 (the chief 
cemetery of the Dergthene near Knocklong, Co. Limerick) a well 
attested meeting place, show a structure raised in three slight 
stages, not terraces. The inauguration mounds at Magh Adair and 
Rathcroghan have (it is true) no marked divisions, but the occur- 
rence in even one example of a certain assembly mound favours 
the suggestion; wider search may do more. The Oenach chuli 
assembly was dedicated to an undoubted goddess, Cuil, wife of 
Nechtain, son (or a double) of Nuada Argetlamh. Similarly (as 
Mr Knox has shown) 30 Knockmanannam or Cruckmanannam or 
Rathcoll, near Dunmore, has three sections; two are well shown in 
his illustration. Here again the name implies connection with a 
great god, Manannan MacLir, the sea deity of the Irish. -We are 
only groping our way to clearer light as to the Sid or " Temple 
Mound " of the Celt, and the form was not fixed any more than 
the other types of earthwork. " Rededication " is possible; for 
example, take the case of Eochaid, the Dagda, the Great Father, 
and his son Oengus Og of the Brugh, and the latter 's son, Bodb 
Dearg of Slievenaman — it is certain that Oengus superseded an 
obscure but evidently once notable god, Elcmair, at the. Brugh, and 
that the Dergthene tried to supersede (or at least to identify with) 
Bodb Dearg by Nuada Necht or Nuada Dearg, who was probably 
one of the forms of Nechtain; certainly one of the aliases of the 
silver-handed god Nuada. There is much to be done and this is 
an age of revolution in archaeology as in Empires and Civilization. 
What may survive eventually from our new studies and our refus- 
ing to be bound by the dicta of the great, but often uninformed, 
antiquaries of 1840 remains to be seen. Let us at least " show 
a more excellent way " by leaving none of our successors any ex- 
cuse to regard our teaching as " final theories " or " closed 
questions " in a subject frequently resting on circumstantial 
evidence, at best reinforced by obscure tradition, analogies and 

It is, indeed, encouraging to look over the excellent and ex- 
tensive mass of material collected by the Galway Society. In 

30 Go J way Soc, x, p. 93. 


1890, when the Society of Antiquaries removed to Dublin, there 
was, perhaps, less reliable material for the study of forts and 
earthworks extant than has since been often published in a single 
volume of the Proceedings of these Societies or of the Royal Irish 
Academy. Let us continue these sound methods; the times are 
difficult and anxious, it is too true, but let us look and take 
courage. The French antiquaries, who at least study the records 
of forts by Irish Societies, and often give encouraging approval 
for our methods, as in the Bulletin of the French Prehistoric 
Society (1919), xvi, p. 343, face to face with death and horror 
in the trenches on their own soil, noted every relic of antiquity 
unearthed, and j^ublished a mass of most valuable field notes in 
Paris under the very guns of the enemy. Surely we can sacrifice 
a little of our ease and our amusements to continue our field work, 
and secure a solid record of the past of our country, so rapidly 
being obliterated by carelessness and vandalism. 

( 187 ) 



By Chas. McNeil, Hon. Gen. Sec. 

The Dominican Monastery of Our Lady at Galway, commonly 
called the West Convent, is particularly rich in 17th and 18th 
century silver chalices. There are twelve in all, five dated respec- 
tively 1634, 1639, 1639, 1640, and 1671; four with the dates 1707, 
1722, 1725 and 1769, and three not dated. Most of them appear, 
either from the inscription or from the donors names, to have been 
originally presented to the Dominicans of Galway. One was the 
gift of a member of the family of Kennedy of Ormond to the 
Dominican Friary of Lorrha; another was given to the Dominicans 
of Athenry, another comes from Valladolid, and another is marked 
simply with the initials E.c.B., and possibly belonged to a Domini- 
can house at a place the name of which began with B. (Fratribas 
conventus B.). 

In addition to these chalices the West Convent possesses old 
silver ampullae, or cruets for the wine and water, and . a silver 
crown with the date 1683 for the statue of the Blessed Virgin. 

The following are the inscriptions on the chalices : — 

Juana french me fieri fecit pro ussu filii sui Patris fratris 
Gregorii french ordinis Praedicatorum ano Dni 1634 

Orate pro animabus Patricii Bodkin et Mariae French qui 
dicaverunt hunc calicem divae Virgini 1639 

Frater Antonius Kenedy ad usum conventus lohrensis me 
fieri feet Ano Dni 1639 

1640 Orate pro Donato Halorain et Uxore eius Sara 
Halorain qui donaverunt hunc calicem conventui B. 
Mariae Galvien. Ord. Praed. 

Orate pro animabus Thomae Skerett et uxoris eius Mariae 

Orate pro ana Mariae Linen quae me fii fecit pro ana filii 
sui Thomae Browne defuncti 1671 

Pray for ye souls of Steephe Skerrett & Marie Blake, 
made this to Our Lady in ye West of Gallway Anno 
Dom. 1707 

Pray for the soules of Eichard Butler and his wife Cicily 
Lynch and posterity 1722 


Ano Dm 1725. Hunc Calicem reliquit f rater Johannes 
de Sancto Thoma in perpetuam sui memoriam con- 
ventui Athenriensi VT OES Q' ILLV ESPECIAT P° 
EO DEV DPECENTR [i.e., ut omnes qui ilium in- 
spiciant pro eo Deum deprecentur] 

Pray for the souls of Walter Bourke, 'his Wife and their 
Posterity for ever 1769 

F. Manuel de Balle de Olid. F. este Caliz sirbe para la 
Harquilla de el monumento el juebes santo 

The gift of Mrs Francis Eedington of Kilcornan. 

N.B. (Translation of the Spanish). — Friar Manuel of Valladolid 
got this chalice to be used for the sacrophagus of the Sepulchre 
on Holy Thursday. 

Another old chalice marked F.c.B. 



Abbeys and Monasteries, 25, 163-165. 
Aidne of Ui Fiachrach, 169. 
Aine, goddess, 15. 
Alen, family, 56. 

Andrews, M. C, elected fellow, 110. 

Anhid, Limerick, 157. 

Animals, revered by the Celts, 3, 13. 

Annadown, visited, 184. 

Ardrahan, Galway, forts near, 181. 

Armstrong, E. C. R., paper by, 132. 

Art, King of Erin, slain, 176. 

Asal, tribe, assembly place, 18, and 
Fergus mac Roig, 18, 19. 

Assembly places, ancient, 1-24 ; Co. 
Limerick, 1-21, 156: Co. Clare, 22, 
23 ; Meath, 3-5, 8 ; Kildare, 6 ; Ros- 
common, 5, 6 ; Westmeath, 8. 

Athenry, visited, 165. 


Ballinguile, Dublin, 151. 

Barry, J. Grene, note by, 156. 

Barrymore, Lord, troopers, 54. 

Beli, Beil or Belenus, a god, 8. 

Bell Shrine of St Seanan, 111, " known 

as the Clogan Oir," 132-135. 
Bodkin family, chalice (1637), 187. 
Bridge, ancient, f 6, 58. 
Broc, supposed saint, 138. 
Brugh, cemetery, 7. 
Burtchaell, George Dames, elected 
Vice-President, 98. 


Cahers, or stone forts, Co. Galway — 
Cahercrine, 165, 181 ; Caherdrineen, 
165, 173 ; Caherkelly, 182 ; Caher- 
morris, 164, 165, 182; Caher- 
scooby, 181 ; Caherweelder, 178. 

Cairns, 6, 16, 20-22. 

Cane, Col. R. Claude, paper by, 55 ; 

family, 57 ; note by, 157. 
Carman, Oenach, its supposed position, 

Cemeteries, ancient pagan, 12. 
Chalices in Galway, 154, 187-188. 
Charters (1446-1685), 60, 62, 129; 

of Donnybrook, 140, 141. 
Chest (1706), 66, one said to be in the 

Liffey, 55. 

Churches, 36, 92, 158 ; see also Abbeys. 
Clare, Co., assembly places, 22, 23* 

Shrine, 132. Well, 92 ; visited,' 103! 
Clare Galway, visited, 164, 166. 
Clamperspark fort, Galway, 181. 
Clayton, Bishop of Clogher (1756), 57. 
" Clogan Oir " shrine, 132-135. 
Clogher, Tyrone, Bishop, 57 ; Limerick 

Oenach, 11. 
Combers' Guild, Dublin, 63. 
Condon family, 54. 
Conjoined mounds, 14, 16, 17. 
Connacht, kings of, 117; see also 

Conversazione of Society, 97. 
Coole, churches, Cork, 47-54. 
Cooper, Bryan Ricco, elected fellow, 


Corcomroe Abbey, visited, 163. 
Cork, Co., churches, 47-55. 
Cormac mac Airt at Knocklong, 11. 
Crawford, H. S., notes by, 25, 155. 
Credin, David S., elected fellow, 110. 
Crescent fort, 177. 
Crinan, St, 54. 

Cromwell's Hill, Limerick, 21. 

Crosses, 131, 154, 155. 

Crotta Cliach, " The Harps " on the 

Galtees, 21. 
Cuchullin at Knockainey, 11 ; his 

horses, 3, 14, 17. 
Curragh, Co. Kildare, early assembly 

place, 6. 


Dalbach, St, 54. 

De Courcey, in Ulster, 116. 

DeisioJ, as observed at Tara, 4. 

De Lacy, notes on the family of, in 

Ireland, 113-131. 
Dergthene, their princes' burial places, 
I 12. 
De Verdon, 121. 
Disc Barrows, 4, 16. 
Donacomper Church, Kildare, 55, 56. 
Donaghpatrick earthwork, Meath, 5. 
Donnybrook, origin of the name ; its 

famous fair, 136-148 ; an old house, 

149, 152. 
Doon-Lacken, Galway, 181. 
I Dowth, Netterville of, 129, 130. 



Dromacoo, visited, 1G2. 
Dromasail, (Tory Hill), Limerick, 18. I 
Dublin City, Guilds, 60 ; see also Donny- j 

Duiske Castle, Galway (Merlin Park). 

Dunbulcaun, Galway, 167, 169. 

Dungoora, Galway, 179. 

Dunkellin, forts in, 167; castle, 179. 


Echtge the horrible, 169. 
Emania (Emhain Macha), 9. 
Evangelists, portraits of, 153. 

Fairs, ancient origin of some, 20, 21. 
Fellows and members elected, 103-6, 

Fergus Mac Roig, legend, 18. 
Fermanagh Co., churches, sites and 

graveyards, 35, 158. 
Fitzpatrick, S. A. 0., obituary, 99. 
Freedom of city, presentations. 78. 
French, family of, chalice (1634), 187. 
Fort Elizabeth tumulus, Limerick, 156. 
Forts, see Caher, Doon, Dun, Rath ; in J 

Co. Galway, 167. 

Galway City, meeting at, 159, 162-166 ; 
mace, &c, 164 ; forts, 167 ; chalices. I 

Glasnevin, St Mobi's well, Dublin, 137. 
Gods, Celtic, 2-11, 23. 
Go ugh, Lord, elected Vice-President, 
98, 163. 

Guaire, the hospitable, king, 180. 
Guilds, 60-78, 93. 


Haloran, chalice (1640), 187. 
Healy, Dr, Archbishop of Tuam, obi- 
tuary, 100. 
" Hounds grave," Galway, 172. 


Iniscatha, see Bell Shrine. 
Iserninus, St, 54. 


Jocelyn family, 149. 
John, King, founds Donnybrook fair, 
136, 140. 


Kane, W. T. de Vismes, obituary, 101. 
Kells, Book of, notes on the "doubtful" 

portrait, 153. 
Kelly, R. J., paper by, 136. 
Kilbennan visited, 164, 166. 
Kilconnell Friary, Galway, 164-5. 
Kilcornan, forts. Galway, 175. 
Kildare, Co., St Wolstan's, 55 ; the 

Curragh earth works, 6. 
Kilfinnan, Limerick, 21. 
Kilreekil, Galway, 165, 183. 
Kiltiernan, Galway, 178. 
Kings, " The three dead," 33. 
Knockainey, Limerick, mounds, 14. 
Knockmoy Abbey, Galway, paintings, 

25 ; visited, 165. 
Knox, H. T., paper by, 89. 


Lakes, drained, 17. 

Legends, 11, 15, 18, 90, 169. 

Leopard, figure of, 135. 

Limerick, Co., assembly places, 1 ; De 

Lacy family, 125-6 ; tumulus, 156. 
Lisroe, Co. Galway, 174. 
Lough Cutra, visited, 163. 
Lowry-Corry, Lady, paper by, 35, 158. 
Lug, the god, 2, 5, 9-11. 
Lvnch, family of, Galway, 128 ; Chalice, 


Maarea, Co. Galway, 168, 172. 

Madden, of Donnybrook, 141. 

Magh Adair, Clare, 22. 

Magh Muchrimhe battle, 168, 176. 

Marriages of gods and men at Telltown, 

Meath, 5, 20. 
Masonbrook forts, Galway, 165, 184. 
Mata, a monster, 3, 8. 
Mayo, Co., St Marcan's, 89. 
Meath, Co., sanctuaries, 3-5, 8, 119j 

lordship of, 121. 
Members elected, 95, 110, 161. 
Merlin Park, Galway, and Duiske 

Castle, 164. 
Merchant Tailors' Guild, 93. 
Mobi, St, 137. 

Monasteranenagh, Limerick, 18. 
Monuments, 31, 57 ; at Knockmoy, 27- 

29 ; one injured by soldiers, 165 ; 

canopied, 163. 
Mounds, sacred, see " Assembly," 

" Cemetery ; " " Masonbrook," 185, 

also 5, 8. 


Netterville family, 129, 130. 
Newgrove, well and pillar, Clare, 92. 
Nuada, the god, marries Fal, 5, 169, 185. 




O'Brien, 163. 

O'Ceallagh monument, 29. 

O'Concannon monument, 30, 31. 

O'Connell, Philip, elected fellow, 95. 

O'Conor, King of Connacht, 117. 

O'Eddichan inscription, 27. 

Oenach assemblies, 1, 2; Cairbre, 18, 19. 

150 ; Carman, 24 ; Chuli, 11 ; Meath, 3. 
Oilioll Aulom, King, 15. 
O'Melachlin, 119. 
O'NolIain inscription, 28. 


Paintings at Knockmoy, 25. 

Panter, Mr G. W., presents St Seanan's 

Bell Shrine to the Nation, 111, 133. 
Patterson, W. Hugh, obituary, 101. 
Pedigrees, De Lacy, 120, 128. 
Pigeon House early, 179. 
Plans, 150, 89, 149, 150, 168. 
Platform forts, or low motes, 13. 
Power, Rev. Professor Patrick, paper 

by, 47. 

Proceedings of Society, 95-111, 159-162. 

Promontory fort, 180. 

Pultowa, Battle, De Lacy, fights at, 125. 


Quarterly meetings, 110, 150, 160. 

Rahaneena, Galway, 175. 
Raknock fort, Galway, 171. ' 
Rathcroaghan, Roscommon, 5, 6. 
Rathgurreen, Galway, 170. 
Rathsonny, Galway, 184. 
Rathwire, De Lacy of, 127. _ 
Report of Council, 97. 
Riddelsford, Walter de, 139. 
Riding the franchises, 71. 
Roevehagh, Galway, holy tree, 169. 
Ronan, St, 155. 
Roscam, visited, 164. 
Roscommon, 5, 6, 155 ; letters on, 94. 
Round towers, visited, 163, 164, 166. 
Rushe, D. Carolan, elected Vice- 
President, 98. 


St Marcan's Lough, Mayo, 89. 
St Wolstan's, Kildare, 55, 157. 
Scala Cceli, see St Wolstan's. 
Scattery (Iniscatha) shrine, 133. 
Seanan, or Senan, St, 111, 132. 
Sebastian, St, painting of, 26. 
" Sheelanagigs," 4. 

" Sheenafinnoge," 19. 

Shuttles, honorary presentations, 78. 

" Sidh," see " Mounds," also " Sidean 

na Fiona," 21. 
Silks, smuggled, 70. 
Siren, symbolic, 134-5. 
Skerrett chalice, 187. 
Slievereagh. or Cenn Febrat, Limerick 


Spectre kings, painting, 26, 33. 
" Squint " window, 52. 
Stone, boundary, 93. 
" Strongbow," Richard, Earl of Striguel 

Stubbs, W. Cotter, paper by, 60. 
Synnott, N. J., paper hy, 113. 


Taghmaconnell, Roscommon, 155. 

Tailltiu, or Telltown Assembly, Meath,. 
5, 20, not at Loughcrew, 5. 

Tailors' guild in Dublin, 93. 

Tara, Meath, monuments, 3, 4. 

Taverns in Dublin, 88. 
j Temair Erann, Limerick, 9. 

Templary, alleged, at Coole, Cork, 53. 

Templegal, Galway, 180. 

Tory Hill, Limerick, see Dromasail. 

Trees, ancient sacred, 21, 22, 169. 

Trinity, painting of the, 25, 34. 
! Tuam, visited, 164. 
! Tulla church, Clare, 92. 

Tumuli, 19, 156 ; see also Mounds. 

Twigg family, 149. 

Twiss, H. F., note by, 94. 


Uisnech, Westmeath, 8. ' 

Ulster, grant of Lordship of, 115, 116 ; 

Earl of, 122. 
Umor, sons of, 18, 168. 
Usher family, 149. 


Valladolid chalice, 188. 

Verdon family, 121. 

Virgin, Guild of the Blessed, 60. 


Weavers' Guild, 60. 

Wells, Holy, 51, 90, 92, 137, 151, 155. 

Westropp, T. J. (President), papers and 

notes by, 1, 93, 156, 167. 
White, H. Bantry, paper by, 149-152. 
Whitworth, Mrs Mary, elected fellow, 


Wood, Herbert, elected Vice-President 

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DEC 99 

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